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A large part of their dependents are in a state of servitude; that is, though possessed by the customs of Africa of many civil rights, their labour to a certain extent is the property of their masters. Hitherto this labour has been of little value. Every chieftain was a Slave-factor, and men being the only export article, his subjects were valuable to him only as they furnished the means of panyaring his neighbours, or were themselves, in default of other resources, objects of legal conviction for witchcraft, which made not only the convict but his family liable to sale. These chiefs however retain a strong taste for the various articles of merchandize which they have been accustomed to purchase from Europeans, and will doubtless be willing to continue the commerce in those articles. This the labour of their vassals may enable them to effect. Let every encouragement then be given by this country to the raising of those articles in Africa, which will find a demand in our markets. For this purpose instruction must be highly useful, and to promote the same end there can be no objection to such CustomHouse regulations in the way of bounties, drawbacks, &c. as may serve to stimulate exertion in Africa. The disadvantages under which their competition with other tropical countries is commenced, may render such measures necessary; and Great Britain ought not to regret some expence, where blessings so great may be bestowed, where injuries so aggravated are to be recompensed.

66 2. The export wealth of Africa it is evident must be chiefly agricultural. Her soil and climate are fitted for the culture of fruits which no art can raise cheaply in our northern latitudes, and with these she may be able to supply us; while in manufactured articles, our advantages of capital and skilled industry are so enormous, as to render her rivalry hopeless. At the same time it is of first rate importance, that encouragement should be given to her

manufactories for home consumption. The Africans may go on purchasing daily by their field industry more and more European luxuries, yet remain nearly as barbarous and as ignorant as ever; but if they can be taught to desire decent apparel, and comfortable habitations, innumerable blessings will spring up from these humble shoots. Habits of domestic virtue, order, and happiness, habits of self-estimation, a sense of character and propriety, a desire of knowledge, prospective industry, and all the lovely family of social charities which peace and contentment engender, will gradually be diffused. To this end it seems very desirable that they should be instructed without delay in some of the most useful arts and simplest machinery known among us. Much may be done in this department by the aid of schools; but perhaps still more may be effected by the activity of British settlers. Example works more rapidly than precept on all who are quick to perceive, but slow to reason; and such are children and uncultivated nations. An African will discern characters as accutely as an Englishman, while much labour is required to make him comprehend a logical proposition. At least it is easy to supply them with specimens of the most useful mechanical contrivances.

"3. One of the first steps towards the civilization of a rude people is to provide for general security; and in the state of society at present subsisting in Africa, such provision is indispensable. It is difficult to speculate at a distance on the best means of effecting this object; yet it is to be hoped that it may be possible gradually to establish, in different quarters, some description of federal court or council, whose jurisdiction may extend to the adjustment of all national rights and differences. Such institutions have, under various shapes, existed in most countries, where a number of small principalities, either rightfully or practically independent, have been crowded together.

Such was the great council of the Amphyctions among the Greeks; such probably in their original constitutions were the Cortes of Spain, the assemblies of the states, held annually under the earlier monarchs in France, and the parliament of England; such in former ages was the secret tribunal of Germany, and the Imperial Chamber in later days. Among many of the negro chiefs, as has been already said, an imperfect federal union subsists ; a nominal sovereign is recognized, and palavers are held, in which complaints are presented and redressed. Here then are at least the elements of such establishments as are recommended. Their natures, forms, and the limits of their several jurisdictions, it would be idle to sketch in theory. Practical institutions must be governed by existing circumstances. But the benefits which would flow from the recognition of such judicatories are ovbious, nor does there appear sufficient reason to suppose our influence inadequate to effecting their foundation.

"4. The propriety of establishing schools and other seminaries of instruction as extensively as possible, will not be disputed. This measure, therefore, may be assumed to be necessary, and its details are too numerous for this paper. It may be observed, however, that the success of our schemes will naturally depend on the conduct of these little nurseries of knowledge; for the young are much better subjects for civilization than the old, and with due care the next generation may be as far removed above the present in general improvement, as they will themselves probably still remain below their European instructors. The Mahometans owe the ascendency which they have acquired, and are daily acquiring, over the native princes of Africa, principally to their exertions in this line. Shall Christians be less active ?"

"There yet remains one great question to be examined.* Shall Great Britain rigidly confine herself to the factories now in her possession, and act on the surrounding principalities only by influence; or shall she accept the submission of such neighbouring states as may be willing to adopt her patronage? The advantages and disadvantages of either alternative are so numerous, that merely a sketch of the general arguments can be given, without attempting a decision. Two things however must be premised: first, that nothing like a project of encroachment can for a moment be listened to; and secondly, that the question ought to be considered as referring principally to the benefit of Africa.

"Considering the present state of Africa, and the authority of Europeans in that quarter, it is probable that a considerable number of the little states in the neighbourhood of our factories, would willingly place themselves under our protection. At Sherbro' the sovereignty of the King of Great Britain is at this moment recognized, and the administration of justice among the natives has long been possessed by the governors of our castles on the Gold Coast. The facilities which the adoption of that system would furnish are obvious and important. All the institutions above noticed as necessary for the civilization of Africa would then become, in a great degree, matters of mere regulation. Our customs, manners, and opinions, would spread rapidly, from the power of example, which always acts downwards with the greatest

The obligation of extending Christianity in Africa, and the bene ficial effects likely to be produced by its extension, are omitted in this discussion, as they are points which do not come immediately under the Society's consideration Indeed the whole of the discussion that follows might have been omitted on the same grounds; and also as containing views of policy, which in themselves are extremely questionable.

force. The pure administration of justice would secure private property, and national rights be protected, without an appeal to arms, by the authority of British arbitration. But the greatest advantage, and that alone which renders the question in any degree disputable, is this: the extension of our territorial rights might prevent the future revival of the Slave Trade, by rendering such an attempt on the part of France or Holland impossible, without trenching on our authority, and furnishing thereby grounds of war. There undoubtedly is reason to fear, lest this odious traffic should, at the conclusion of the present war, once more ravage this devoted continent, if not then found reposing under the shade and shelter of the British empire. On the other hand, the attendant evils are of no common magnitude. Supposing even (what we must be very sanguine to expect) that, in the assumption of sovereignty over the native princes, Great Britain should always act with scrupulous equity, merely accepting, and never exacting, still the inconveniences must be great. Those princes, though willing to recognize our national control, will certainly not be willing to relinquish the internal authority which they now possess within their respective dominions, and the evils flowing from such a constitution of things are very great, though not very obvious. The existence too of a disposition in the British government, so liable to misconception, will probably give birth to apprehensions and jealousies, which, if we would benefit Africa, it is our duty by all possible methods to allay; nor would a satisfactory reply be easily found, should it hereafter be said that the princes of Africa had been robbed of their independence, and the people of their liberty, while too ignorant to understand the value of the privileges they surrendered. But the most alarming evil incident to such a system is, that it holds out a lure to injustice, too strong perhaps for the

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