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to this kingdom was contrary to the con- reference to the present case; the Hessians, ftitution. Alluding to the hody of Hef- at this moment, were not exercising any fans formerly landed at Gibraltar, and act of military truit ; and the precedents the debate thereon, he mentioned what the quoted were not in point. He said, he late marquis of Rockingham had advanced always was, and ever would be, ready to when the subject was agitated before their allow, that the prerogative of the crown lordships. That noble lord insisted, that never did, nor ever ought to extend to the the crown was not, hy its prerogative, employment of foreign auxiliaries, with. vested with any such power ; and that he out the consent of parliament. It was his could not consent to any hill, which should bounden duty to opp fe all ideas that had contribute to make it legal in any case for their obie&t such a doctrine ; and he whatfoever. Lord Albemarle faid, he did would at all times, join in bringing fornot mean to go so far; he wished merely warian impeachment against any minito shew, that, without the content of par- fter who durft practise fuch a doctrine. liament, foreign troops should not conti-. The present cale, however, was widely que in this country; and, by paslmg a different; he should therefore give bis nebill of indeninity, the houfe would at gative to the second reading, once declare, that the matter was illegal, Lord Auckland oppofed the bill on the but that they were willing to exonerate ground, that, under the prefent circumministers, on account of the necetlity of liances, the introduction of those troops the measure, and thereby remove all doubts was perfectly legal and constitutional. which had been entertained on this fub. Lord Roinney thought it best to move ject. He hinted, that ministers had here- the previous question. tofore been afraid to meet the question on Lord Grenville faid, he was for meet. conftitutional ground; and declared, that ing the question fairly : he confessed, that he considered such a prerogative in the he was clearly of opinion the crown had crown as of a dangerous tendency; as no right to call in the aid of foreign troops throwing too much power into the hands without the consent of parliament; and of any furure prince of an arbitrary or that in time of peace it was contrary to the ambitious inclination. To conlider this conititution to land them in the British matter properly, their lordships ought to doininions ; but that, in time of war, and refer to the first principles of the conititu. particularly at this moment, when we tion, and thofe principles were, that the were defending all that was dear to us, the introduction of foreign troops was oppo- introduction of foreign troops was not a. lite to the real spirit of thote general laws gainit the law, parliament having received by which we were governed. He conclu- due notice of their landing, as was the case ded with presenting the bill, which was at present. The Hessians were not a standread a firit time; and on motion for the itig army in this country, conformable to second reading, earl Spencer said, that he military idea; for they were not disciperfectly coincided in those points which plined according to the British command, alluded to the unconstitutional doctrine of they had no quarters legally alivered, nor a right to introduce foreign troops in time means of payment regularly provided. of peace into the country without the fanc. The two great points to be considered tion of parliament; but this was not the were the expediency, and the danger of the present cafe. He was glad the measure meature. The first could not be controwas brought forward ; it iuft ultimately verted the forft could not be controverttend to produce a decided opinion on the ed-the second had no existence in truth. question ; sot that he by any means meant He concluded with faying, that this was to infinuate, that it was legal to introduce po time for new theories. foreign troops. Legality was one thing: Lord Lauderdale supported the bill. necellity was another. He thought it He exprefled his aitonishment at the doce beft, therefore, at the present crilis, that trines laid down by the noble secretary of the hill should be rejected ; chiefly on the state, and declared it was impossible for ground that it would make no precedent any fact to tre more clear than that the infor ministers hereafter, whose intentions troduction of foreign troops into this counmight be fraught with mischief. Tie try, without content of parliament, was Bill of Rights clearly did not interdict the illegal. He therefore thought the act of landing of foreign troops in time of war. indemnity neceflary to exprefs the sense of To concrive otherwise, was to go out of parliament on the subjeet." He interpretthe principle, to fubitantiate the letter. ed the bill of rights, though mentioning Tae act of settlenient had no particular only tine of peace, to extend to all times."

He also referred to the act of settlement, Lord Mansfield did not think any thing which provided that no foreigner lhould had been said to justify a decision on the hold any place of truft under the govern- general question. men:. The officers of the Herlian troops Lord Grenville, in explanation, said, landed in this kingdom, he declared, held that in such discullions as the present, ena a place of military trutt, which not even deavours were frequently used to lead naturalization could render lawful. The ministers into the delivery of abftract opi. argumeut, that though the king might nions upon conftitutional points; endealand foreign troops, the parliament only vours, which he thought should be spared, could continue them, he faid, would be of for certainly it was fufficient for ministers little weight ; for if 30,0000 men thould to thew that their practice was constituonce be landed, parliament would scarce tional, without committmg themselves updare to withhold their affent.

on questions not connected with it. Lord Hawkesbury declared himself as Yet, though he faw no necessity, in gee ready as any noble lord could be, to assertneral, for the delivery of such opinions, that the employing foreign troops in this and had no with to make distinctions becountry was illegal ; but the present case tween his and those of other persons, he did not amount to that ; minifters did not would state his sentiments as to the intro. feel the smalleit apprehension from what duction of foreign troops into this counthey had done, confequently did not with try. He was ot opinion, that the mainfor an indemnification.

tenance of a foreign army in this country, Lord Stanhope spoke in support of the whether during peace or war, without the bill, and remarked on the inconsistency of consent of parliament, was illegal ; that some of the former speakers against the when foreign troops were introduced with. bill some of whom had ventured to assert out the previous consent of parliament, the prerogative to extend to landing fo. the legality of the measure would depend reign troops : while others had declared it upon the necessity of it; and that it lay illegal in the abstract ; though they united with parliament, by consenting to the in opposing the present bill of indemnity. measure, to fanction the legality of it. ' Lord Carnarvon expressed himself a.

The duke of Bedford was for the fe. gainst the introduction of abstract quie. cond reading of the bill, which he consiItions. The present bill he considered as dered as a very proper and neceflary mea. merely ridiculous; since it went to impute fure. The introduction of the Helsians blame to minifters for a praise-worthy might he necetsary; of that his majesty's action.

ininilters were able to judge ; but cerThe Duke of Portland declared it al- tainly it was an infringement of the conways to have been his invariable opinion, Atirution of the country, to land them shat the bringing foreign troops into this without the consent of parliament. country was at all times contrary to the The house now divided on the motion conitįtution ; but he was free to confess, for the second reading of the bill or Monthat in the present case, no danger was to day, be apprehended, or the imallett degree of For the second reading blame incurred. He should therefore give Proxy bis negative to the bill.

Lord Guilford supported the bill; Against the second reading 68 maintained the illegality of the proceed. ing; and infifted, that every precedent upon the journais warranted that conclu.

89 tion.

Majority against the bill The marquis of Lanfilown said, the Lord Grenville moved, that this buld 'necesity or numb.r of the troops landed he rejected ;' but on its being urged, that he contidered as of no consequence-a3 a the decilion upon the queition for the leprotence might eatily be railed to intro- cond reading of the bill was a fufficient Juce a few foreign troops, which might rejection of it, lord Grenville withdrew be afterward augmented. He tollowed his motion. lord Lauderdale in the supposition that it In the house of commons, on Monday 30,000 Hessians, 30,000 Russians, and February 24, Mr. Sheridav having inti30,000 Pruflians were landed, parliament mated that he should present to the house might not think it prudent to withhold a petition from Mr. Thomas Fisclo Paltheir content to any supplies they might mer, who was at present ander tentence of demard,

transportation, complaining of te biega






lity of the sentence pronounced against have avérted the horrors of war, and tire him, and craving such relief from its king and queen of France might now have consequences as parliament could afford, been tafe upon their throne. He then adsome conversation ensued, the result of verted to the treaty of Pilnitz, from which which was, that the subjeet Tould stand he would prove the object of the confedefor confideration on the Thursday tollow. racy, which was, on the part of the Euing.

l'opean powers, to crun the liberties of Mr. Whitbread, jum. then moved, that France. The treaty of lord Hood had an addrets be pretented to his majetty, pledged this country to support the confti. praying that the execution of the fentence tution of 1789, and general O‘Hara's againit Mr. Paimer be postponed till afier speech had confirmed, this treaty, with the Thursday next. This produced a con. molt facred assurance of faith and protec. versation and a division, when the num. tion. Yet it was obvious, that the allies bers were; for the motion 34; against it never meant to accept this conftitution, 104; majority yo.

: which general Wurmier distinguished by On Thursday, March 6, Mr. Main- the name of infamous. It was also maniwaring, after stating several improprieties fett that Prutia was averle to it, and no which had obtained respecting a due obe stronger proof of this aversion could be servation of the fabbath, owing to ide re- given, than tie malevolent conduet with laxation or inadequacy of the laws relating which La Favette bad been pursued (the thereto, particularly in the instance of the defender of the conftitution of 1789) a practice of journeymen bukers, which part conduct which was not turpalied by any of his proposed meature would go to te- of the tyrants of Rome. Neither Rusia frain from baking on a Sunday, except nor Prullia, he was fure, would accepe it, froin the hours of ten till one inciviive, from then common league aganit the limoved for leave to bring in a bill to ex- berties of an equirable and mild governplain and amend an act palled in the ment, which they fubverted and trampled twenty-ninth year of the reign of king under foot. Neceflity may impose even Charles II. The motion was agreed to. on a good man, as the inttrument of pre

Mr. Pilt then moved for leave to bring in fervation, a murderer ; yet forely he would a bill for augmenting the militia. Atier a be extremely happy to get rid of him as tew words froin lome gentlemen, who re- loon as he could. He compared the com{pteively deferred the fuil delivery of their bination of powers to the expedition of the sentiments to a future fiage of the bill, the crusade, where a full remillion of guilt motion was agreed to.

was to reward the pious adventurers. After this, Mr. Whitbread rose and The affumption by minitters, that it faid, it was not his intention to call into was a war for a general defence of society, queition the right of his majesty in the was contradided by the itates of Europe making of creaties with foreign povers (a and of America, which ftill preserved right which was inconteftibly veited in the their neutrality; and it victory were to crown) but to call the consideration of the crown our hopes of conquest, a war with house to the grounds on which those trea. the other powers of Europe would be unties had been made, and the ultimate ob. avoidable. There would be a quarrel for jects they had in view. The topics on the spoils, and habits of plunder and ra. which they had been defended were at all pacity would urge them on to war and times the same; and the fame disgraceful violence. He contidered it then to be the epithets wiih which the enemy had been intereft of the country to make peace with loaded, were such as on former occasions the republic of France; which even under had been applied to great nations and 10 its present odious tyranny, would still be great men. They were similar to thote preterable to war. For, thonigh he would which were applied by Philip II, the ty. ko more confide for a table adherence to mant, to the prince of Orange, when he treaties in the faith of kings, than in those was alerting the liberties of his country. who were in the executive government of The maniteltoes which have been publish. France, yet the change of men may no ed contained the fame tone of calumny and more atlect tuch a treaty in one cale than reproach, and the French nation were un. in the other. He therefore, on those conjuitiy libeiled. Instead of a conduct fo liderations, wouid move, unbceoming, so incompatible with the ' That an humble address be presenteil feelings and honour of a great nation, had to his majelty, to represent to his majesty, minities availed themselves of the high that his faithful commons having taken Situation which they then held, they miglit into their ferious contideration the various


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engagements which have, by his majesty's recently concluded between his majesty coinmand, been laid before the house, and the king of Sardinia, by which his cannot forbear to express their deep con- majesty is bound not to lay down his arms cern that his majesty should have been ad- until the restitution of Savoy thall have vited to enter into engagements, the terms been accomplished ; a species of engageof which appear to this house to be wholly ment which it can at no time (excepting incompatible with the deciarations repeat- in cases of the greatest emergency) be edly made to this house from the throne, either prudent or proper to contract; and, relacive to the protified objects of the pre- much less for an object which was not fent unfortunate, war.

deemed in his majeti y's wisdom to be con• To represent to his majesty the afflic. nected with the interests of this country, tion and alarm of his faithful commons, fo as to occafion a declaration of war, and that his majefty thould have been advised which cannot now be considered by his to make a common caule,' with powers faithful commons as of fufficient importwhole objects are - unavowed and unde- ance to be made the indispentable condition fined, but from whose conduct his faith- of peace. ful commons have too much ground to • To represent to his majesty, that it dread to carry on war for the purpole of appears to his faithful commons to be the dictating in the internal affairs of other general tendency of these engagements to countries ; views which have been repeat. involve us in connexions of undefined exedly and folemnly disavowed by his ma- tent, for objects which we disapprove and jeity and his minitters, and which are ut- have disavowed, and this with powers

's on terly abhorrent to those principles upon whose principles of equity and moderation which alone a trec people can with honour we are inttructed by experience to have no engage in war.

reliance, and whose complete fuccess may, *To represent to his majesty, that if in our opinion, prove fatal to the liberties the present war, had been what his ma- of Europe. jesty's message in the lait tefsion of parlia "To represent to his majesty, that have ment stated it to be; a war of aggreffion ing thus expressed our sentiments on the on the part of France, and of defence on engagements which his majesty has been the part of Great Britain ; that by a treaty adviled to contract, we feel it our bounden previously in existence between his ma- duty molt humbly and earnestly to implore jesty and the king of Prussia, the co-ope. his majesty to consider of such measures ration and affiltance of that power were as to his royal wisdom fall feem adapted ensured to this country.

(consistently with that national taith which • That it does not appear to this house in common with his majesty we desire to that the fuccours itipulated by the defensive preserve religiously inviolate) to extricate treaty of 1788, have been required by his himself from engagements which oppose majeity, but that a convention has been such difficulties to his majesty's concluding entered into, the stipulations of which a separate peace, whenever the interests of have no other tendency than the involving his people may render such a measure adus in schemes as foreign to the true in- visable, and which certainly countenance tereit, as they are repugnant to the natural the opinion that his majetty is acting in feelings of Englishmen; and of impofing oncert with other powers for the una reltraint upon his majesty's known dit- juftifiable purpose of compelling the people position to avail bimself of any circum- of France to iubmit to a form of governitances which might otherwile enable him, mnent not approved by that nation. confiftentiy with the honour of his crown, Mr. Jenkinson said, the hon. gentle. and the welfare and security of the coun man who had just spoken, so far from entry, to relieve his people from the present tering into the particular merits of the borthentome and calmutous war.

treaties which would have made the Sub. • To represent to his majesty, that the ject of his motion, had ranged through a irruption of the French into Savoy, and wide field of matter unconnected with the their possetion of that part of the domini- motion. The discussion that should arise ons of the king of Sardinia, did not ap was, whether the conduct of this country pear to his majeity to far to endanger the to other nations was just and true ? Should balance of power in Europe, as to induce a notion be regularly made for peace, he his majesty on that account to commence would expect an adequate security would hoftilities against France. That his faith. be pointed out for its-itability. He juitiful commons do therefore express their fied the propriety and necessity of both disapprobation of that part of the treaty Austria and Pruflia entering into a war


against France, and infifted, that on the it was impossible that the greatest part of part of France, it was a war of aggresiion. the kingdom could have any knowledge of The convention of Pilnita, he said, could the event. To thew that we entertained a not be considered as an act of provocation, different object from our confederates, he It is true, it declared to see the king of adduced the declarations made to the TouFrance free, and to enable him to form a Tonese. We promised them to protect juft and rational government.

the constitution of 1789, and took posHe here entered into a defence of the session of the place in the name of Louis treaties, to prove it to be the interest of XVII, King of the French, and not using Great Britain to form as many good alli- the style of the old monarchy, King of ances as she could; maintaining that the France and Navarre. Let us turn our was not under a neceflity of continuing eyes and observe what was the conduct of the war to the extent that was dehned by our ally the king of Prutija, to the man the honourable gentleman. Situated as who had been the founder of that constiru. Prulia was, there was po likelihood that tion-M. La Fayette. What was his the would lole any of her towns; and situation ? He who had become the volunwith respect to those in the Netherlands, tary martyr of the constitution of 1789, the loss of them, as forming the barrier was fecluded from life, dragging a nijera. of Europe, was a matter of no less im- ble existence in the horrors of a dungeon, portance to Great Britain than to the ein. loaded with irons, and fuffering at the peror. With respect to the treaty of Sar- pangs that could be infidied by the iron dinia, if it produced no other effect than hand of despotism. He was the victim preventing her alliance with France, and which our allies facrificed for his conduct compelling the French to keep up a {trong in that point that we etteemed meritorious. force in that quarter, where she was at. The court of Pruttia had afferted, that La tacked, it was beneficial.

Fayette was not their prisoner, but the Mr. Fox laid, that there was no com- prisoner of the combined powers, and that mon object to which the confederate powers they of themfelves had no power to liberate directed their attention. He combated him. He mentioned this, not that he bee the allertion, that the French were the ag- lieved this country was an accomplice in greffors against Austria and Prussia; and fo black an act, but because they might maintained, that although the emperor have the opportunity of publicly disavowbeld out pacific ineafures, no one believed ing it. Ai the moment also that we were such were his intentions, and that in point llating our intentions to the people of of fact he was continually interfering with France, by means of our connexion with the internal government of France. In the port of Toulon, to go only to the reftireviewing the conduct of the allies toward tution of the constitution above menFiance, he infifted, no instances of perfidy tioned ; at the same time our other allies, could be so glaring and deficient in good the Austrians, were in possession of Allace, faith, as those which they had sent into where, with a conduét diametrically opthe world. Witness the proclamations of pofite to ours, they were destroying all the prince of Saxe Cobourg. When M. the authorities constituted since the revoDuinouriør first deserted the cause of the Jution, and introducing the old despotism French, the proclamation called him a to its full extent. Froin thefe points he wife and virtuous man ; but no sooner adduced the inference, that the objects was it discovered that his defection was which our allies proposed to themselves, merely personal, and not attended with all were different from those which we had thole advantages to the combined arms stated to be our's. Our object might be which were expected, than immediately to restore order and peace to the kingdom all his wisdom and virtue fled with his . of France; but he inlifted the fair inferpower ; and he remained to wander a lo. ence from the conduct of our allies was, litary, unnoticed exile-no longer re that they meant to dismember the counspectable when he no more continped try, and indemnify themselves by plun. forinid:ible. What next followed ? In der ; unjustly appropriating the ruins of tour days after issuing the first proclama. that unfortunate kingdom to their own ad. tion, a second made its appearance, re vantage. He deprecated such an event, tracting every point offered by the forıner, which he was súre, far from giving us and itating as reasons for such conduct, even delulive repole, would be a bone of that the people of France had neglected to contention to the now combined powers, express their willingness to receive the pro- and prove the feeds of many future depolitions held out by the prior one ; and Atructive wars. all this in the space of four days, when The chancellor of the exchequer said,


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