Petion, Dumourier, and most of the party of the Gironde, are strongly fufpected of having greatly enriched themfelves by the molt palpable peculation.

† After all, if we would trace calamity to its fource, we must be forced to confefs that the flimfy writings of the wretched caviller Voltaire have undone France. ernestly hope the example will operate as a caution to all other governments, and teach them to beware of permitting with impunity impious and licentious publications. They may rely upon it, there are no libels so dangerous to a state as those against God. We venerate, and ever fhall venerate, the cause of religious toleration. Every fect which acknowledges a future ftate of rewards and punishments is innoxious, if not refpectable. But if this great foundation of morality is removed, there can be no dependance on the principle or integrity of a people. Let the Horfleys and the Priestley's freely indulge themfelves in verbal contefts concerning the difputed points of theology :-but let every impious fcoffer, who prefumes to aim his deftructive hafts at any of the great doctrines of religion, be feverely punished, and his writings ftrictly proh bited. Till this is the cafe no government can be fafe, nor will it be poflible to maintain order, or even common honesty, among men.

and this opinion was unfortunately remarkable fhade of difference becountenanced by the publications of tween the American and the French revolutions. The American armies were compofed in general of fettled and industrious people, of farmers and mechanics, most of whom had families; they confequently embraced the first opportunity to return to their peaceable employments and habitations, to fit every man under his own vine, and his own fig-tree; and they regarded the affairs of ftate no farther than as they ferved to fecure them in the peaceable poffeffion and enjoyment of their property. Every man at the conclufion of the war had fomething to do; every man had bufinefs of his own to attract his attention. Not fo the rabble of Paris, of Lyons, of Marseilles-many of them have no regular employment, and the numbers of banditti are increased by the total ftagnation of the commerce/ and manufactures of France. They can acquire more by plunder and confifcation than by fober induftry; and thus it becomes at once their interest to be turbulent, unruly, fanguinary, and capricious. The diforder and the violence are increased by the num bers; and the paffions are inflamed in proportion to the multitudes which are collected together.

the combined powers, and particularly by the imprudent manifefto of the duke of Brunswick. The repeated difmiffion of the popular minifters, and the obitinacy of the king in other inftances, confirmed the fufpicion. Hence, and hence only, the republican faction were enabled to acquire fo much credit with the people in the months of June, July, and Auguft 1792. The avowed hoftility of this faction might have driven the court in its turn into hoflile measures, without imputing actual treachery to Louis. For we muft obferve, that this is a matter ftill involved in impenetrable obfcurity; and it is impoible to determine, from the ftate of the evidence, either the nature or the extent of the king's connexions with the counter-revolutionifts. Thus far is certain, that Paris was crowded with the ci-devant nobleffe, and other difaffected perfons, on the 10th of Auguft. The fatal rupture, and the dreadful carnage of that bloody day, let loofe at once all the demons of difcord. Every bad paflion was put in motion-revenge, party rage, the defire of plunder, all that is depraved and abominable in human nature, was predominant in the breafts of different individuals, and prepared the way for the ftill deeper horrors of the 2d and 3d of September, and for all the calamities which have fince happened to the nation.

V. Another circumstance which we muft remark is, that the exceffive population of France is greatly calculated to perpetuate violence and anarchy in that country. Independent of the frequent alarms of famine from this circumftance, it is impoffible that there fhould not exift in every confiderable city immenfe multitudes of indigent and defperate perfons, who are always ready to promote every fpecies of mifchief and diforder, and who when once excited cannot easily be reduced to peace and fubordina

It was in vain then that the party of the Gironde after the 10th of Auguft affected a tone of moderation; it was in vain, when they had obtained their wishes, that they exhorted the populace to return to order and obedience. They had excited the fatal concuffion; they had taught the multitude to know their own ftrength; they had disturbed the general tranquillity, and abfurdly flattered themfelves that a fpirit of infurrection would be as eafily quelled as it was excited. Without wifhing, therefore, to depreciate their flender claim to merit in attempting to fave the life of the king, we cannot but regard this party as the immediate authors of all the calamities which have befallen their country fince the overthrow of the monarchical constitution. The

maf

maffacre of the 10th of Auguft was fcarcely lets atrocious than that of the 2d of September; and when thefe men fell the victims of the very means which they had employed, and were murdered in their turn by the very mob which they had formerly excited, though our religion teaches us to pity even the guilty, and to lament the hedding of human blood upon any occafion, yet it was impoffible not to difcern fomething of retributive juftice in the dreadful event.

The Gironde had moreover fomething to charge themselves with for wantonly engaging their country in one vain and fruitless war after another and on the whole, we think they have been a pernicious faction. They were perhaps, lefs fanguinary and cruel than their ferocious fucceffors, but in point of real principle we fee little room for preference.

VI. A moft fatal means of promoting bad difpofitions among the people has been the popular focieties inftituted throughout the kingdom, for debating upon political fubjects, and the Jacobins in particular. In the first dawn of French liberty fuch, inflitutions might have their ufe; but they thould even then have been reftrained within moderate bounds, and as foon as poffible diffolved. Thefe have afforded a conftant afylum to the profigate; and in thefe every abfurdity, every measure of fedition and of cruelty in the national councils, have originated. But after the facts which are itated in the preceding pages, it is unneceffary to enlarge upon this topic.

Such appear to have been the principal caufes which have operated to give to the French revolution that fanguinary and horrid character by which it has been too fatally diftinguished; and which, as far as the circumstances may apply to other nations, may ferve as a warning against hafly revolutions, and as a guide in the conducting of fuch plans of reformation as political exigencies may feem to warrant or require. 4

To fpeculate on the future fate of France would be a hazardous undertaking, even for the most fertile imagination, or the most acute difcernment. Notwithstanding the difficulty and the danger, however, a few conjectures we will venture to fubmit to our readers, rather with a view to entertainment than use.

We look not for the subjugation of France by the prefent combination, fince it has been the uniform affertion of those who are beft acquainted with the refources and the temper of the nation, that, whatever the force of the external attack, fhe is invincible : and this fentiment derives fome confirmation from the experience of two campaigns.

On the restoration of peace, from whatever caufe that may be effected, we look for a train of events very different from what the afpect of affairs at prefent may feem to promise. The first circumstance which, in that cafe, we will venture to predict, is, that the prefent leaders will not long be able to retain their power. Whatever their abilities (and we must confels that they have difplayed fome energy, if not ability) they have not character enough to fupport their popularity long, even with a profligate and corrupted people.

That the experiment of establishing a republic will be continued for fome time longer, we think is probable; but it will never be more than an experiment; and before many years the nation, wearied with faction and with conteft, will certainly have recourse to fome form of monarchy or aristocracy; and that period would be halened, were any one man particularly diftinguished by his talents above his competitors to arife. No fuch has yet appeared; but it is amid the violence of political commotion that genius is called into action, and it would be contrary to all historical precedent if none was to prefent himself on this occafion.

The prefent legiflators of France, we cannot poffibly doubt, have it ulti

mately

thefe two reafons were perfectly inconfiftent. The more atrocious the conduct of the French, the lefs the danger that any other nation should copy their example; and the truth is, that though every fociety is liable to be infetted with a few enthufiafts and visionaries, the example of France has operated as a complete warning to Britain, and as a decifive antidote to the extenfion of democratic principles, which had perhaps been rather promoted by the fuccessful example of America.

mately in view to abolish chriftianity the fecond, the fear that their exIn this they will be disappointed. ample might be followed in this counThe people must have a religion; try. Surely we are correct in saying and as none fo good as the Chriftian can be offered them, fome form of that religion will be the predominant faith of the French people. The most probable conjecture is, that the enthufiaftic profeffors of fome of the leaft moderate of the proteftant fects will infinuate themfelves among them, and effect a religious revolution not lefs ftupendous than that which they have experienced in their civil ftate. This very circumstance may haften the political crifiş to which we alluded in the preceding paragraph. The imprudent measures of the convention, in unfettling the faith of the nation in the foolish expectation of establishing atheifm, has juft prepared the public mind for fuch a change; nor fhall we be surprised to fee, in the courfe of a few years, the difciples of Whitfield, of Wefley, or perhaps of Swedenborg, ufurp that authority which is at prefent poffeffed by the atheilical chiefs of the convention.

With refpect to the war in which this country is at prefent engaged with France-we are willing, in common candour, to acquit the British miniftry of the atrocious charge of having at all entered into the views of the combined powers in the abfurd -project for a partition of France; and we believe the accufation to be a grofs and unfounded calumny. This will not, we confess, apologize for the want of prudence in our miniftry in departing from that fyftem of strict neutrality which was fo entirely effential to our profperity. From this conceffion it will be evident, that we think our ministry was precipitate in haftening a rupture with France; and indeed we do not find the reafons for thofe measures which involved us in hoftilities well founded. Two caufes were affigned by the minifter for break ing with the French nation; but thefe were furely quite inconfiftent with each other. The first was the atrocity and villainy of their conduct;

If it were permitted to fcrutinize into the fecrets of cabinets, perhaps we might find that the motive of the English miniftry in provoking, and that of the French in declaring war, was on each fide a vain-glorious and abfurd hope of conqueft. It is to be prefumed, that both parties have learned a little wifdom from recent experience; and we should be happy to find that the refult of that wisdom fhould be the re-establishment of peace. It is an infult upon common fenfe, to fay there is no perfon with whom we can treat. No matter through what medium tranquillity is reftored. Whoever is proclaimed by the public voice the agent of any people, with that perfon (whatever his moral character) it must be lawful to tranfact all neceflary bufinefs.

We conclude therefore in earnestly recommending peace, by whatever means it may be achieved. Let us leave the French to answer for their own fins. Whatever may be their code of faith, it is ours to believe in a providential ruler, the avenger of injustice and of cruelty. A particular fociety does not trench on the divine prerogative, when it punishes individual crimes, committed in defiance of those laws which it has eftablished for the fecurity of its own members; but when one nation marches in warlike array to punish the fins of another nation, the attempt favours too much of Quixotifm, and the only con

E

fequence

fequence is commonly the facrifice of many innocent and meritorious lives. Admitting the truth of all that has been alleged of the depravity of the French (and certainly we cannot be accused of any difpofition to controvert it) ftill the question will not feafily be anfwered, What intereft can Great Britain have in the contest? What ultimate adva stage are we to derive from it? If the French are, as they are reprefented, a worthlefs, depraved, and 'incorrigible people,' are the blood and treasure of Britain to be lavished, are her manufactures and commerce to be facrificed, for the purpose of framing a government for a people, who cannot upon these principles be worthy of the flighteft exertion? But, it will be faid, the whole nation is not to be blamed for the crimes of a faction; the majority may probably with for a better arrangement. Leave then the majority to reform their own government. But the emigrants at least are deferving perfons, and ought to be restored to their rights and property.'-Beftow upon the emigrants but one half of the waite lands, which

it is reported are shortly to be fold, and prefent them with but one half of one year's military expenditure, and you will do them a much more effential kindness than by inftantly reftoring them (were it even in your power) to their former fituation.

It is the groffett of abfurdities to fuppofe that French principles can ever make an extenfive progrefs in this country, unless indeed the public diftrefs fhould drive the people to defperation. We repeat it, the French have acted in fuch a manner, that the moft defpotic prince in Europe may flumber in fecurity; fince there is fcarcely a people that would not be difpofed to fubmit to the most oppreffive mandates of authority, rather than fraternize with them, or imitate their dreadful example. In one word, it is not France for which we plead we plead for ourfelves. We plead for the diftreffes of the poor, for the embarraffments of the manufacturer, for the lives of those who are most dear to us, for that blood which is much too precious to be fhed in this fruitless, this thankless quarrel.

On having Too HIGH an OPINION of ONES-SELF.

ALTHOUGH felf-love is a paffion, which never appears in a very amiable light, yet it fo generally prevails in the world, that it becomes us to fpeak of it with no greater degree of harshness, than we are ourselves ready to bear. When we treat of any crimes, or dangerous principles which we neither commit nor entertain, we may be allowed to employ the language of fevere cenfure, and that without any imputation of hypocrify. But when we come to fpeak of a paffion from which probably no human creature was ever entirely free, we must either speak with an humble confideration of the frailty of our natures, or we must be content to confefs our fault, and take our fhare in the general blame. A differtation against If love would elfe perhaps exhibit a

ludicrous fpecimen of it; and Fielding, with admirable humour, makes Parfon Adams launch forth into commendation of a sermon he wrote on Vanity.

But whatever share of felf-love may fall to the lot of mankind in general, fome of us may be fo fenfible of it in ourfelves and others, as to make it an ufeful fubje&t of difcourfe, and a proper occation for blame, efpecially when we find it carried to unwarrantable length, and making men fretful, uneafy and ridiculous, who expected to enjoy fatisfaction and happiness. Selflove might eafily be traced to felfprefervation, as its fountain head, a juit and natural principle which accompanies us throughout life, and is never blamed unlefs when coupled with dishonour or cowardice. It is