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Vice and folly may do much towards defeating the purposes of the best government; but his Majesty's religious care has guarded against them. He has likewife at heart the protection and encouragement of the commercial interests of his realms; and naval ftrength he has juftly reputed to be their only fecurity. Hence, furely, there must arife a reasonable prefumption that the British conftitution will flourish to the latest ages; and continue, through them all, the boat and glory of our country, and the envy and admiration of the reft of the world.

The following DISCOURSE, on the Importance of the NAVAL STRENGTH and COMMERCIAL INTERESTS of Great Britain, is intended as a farther Illuftration of our Frontispiece.

OT only the prefervation of that share

advancement, depend on the good condition and wife regulation of our naval affairs; and not only fo, but the very being of Great Britain, as an independent empire and a free people, depend upon the conftant fuperiority of its maritime power.-It will not be amifs to take notice of two remarkable periods of our ancient maritime hiftory, because fome ufeful obfervations may be made in comparing them, both with other nations and with our felves, in our prefent fituations.

We are told that Edgar, King of this ifland, had 4000 fhips; by the terror of which he fubdued Norway, Denmark, all the iflands of the ocean, and the greatest part of Ireland. Thefe inftances of his power are specified in a record cited by that great lawyer Sir Edward Coke, in the preface to his Fourth Report. This Monarch made a naval progrefs yearly round, this ifland, and once caufed eight conquered Kings to row his barge on the river Dee. But it feems that fome of his fucceffors have had fuch Minifters as either neglected to keep our fleets in repair, or were afraid to make ufe of them; for, at feveral periods of time fince the days of King Edgar, we find that this kingdom has been miserably infulted on the feas, and even successfully invaded by

other nations.

The British Neptune flept, or flumbered, moft part of the time from the reign of King Edgar to that of Queen Elifabeth. In her days he fprung up with vigour, being roufed by Spain, which was then the greatest maritime power on earth. From Queen Elifabeth to our time our naval ftrength has gradually increated, infomuch that at this day the Spanish fleets, oppofed to ours, would make a very contemptible figure on the ocean: We now have it in our power to lord it over the watery world. It may be worth our enquiry to know how these fuctuations have happened in the dominion of

the feas.

The tasks and courfe of life of feafaring men are not to be learned in an inftant;

their employment is a laborious and dextrous

cation and industry. Money will buy all naval ftores except mariners; but, unless a fucceffion of them be preserved, no wealth will be able to purchase them. The fureft, cheapeft, and only profitable method of supporting fuch a fucceffion, is to have perpetual occafion for a multitude of fearen in a courfe of foreign traffic. It is indeed probable that Edgar's amazing power at sea was, for the most part, owing to his own great genius, attended with indefatigable endeavours in training up, and year by year augmenting the number of his mariners; for, in thofe days, England had no great share of foreign commerce, people generally contenting themselves with the produce and manufactures of their native country. This great Prince muft, therefore, have grievously oppreffed his vaffals to enable him to keep up fo great an armament; and it is no wonder that it dwindled in fucceeding reigns, because it had not that folid aliment, trade, to nowrifh it.

The fuccefs of the Spaniards in America caufed their fhipping to increafe beyond all their neighbours. In this flourishing condition they continued for a great part of the long reigns of their Philip II. and of our Elifabeth. She liad not a fleet able to give their armada battle: Her fhips, indeed, were light and nimble; the Spanish, though larger and more numerous, were unwieldy; therefore the lighter veffels, being in no danger of a chace, fought or ftood off as they faw occafion. But this advantage would not have been fufficient, if Providence had not interpofed a tempest for the protection of England.

The Queen knew to what causes the owed her danger and her deliverance, and became more attentive than ever to plant colonies in America. Death prevented her from executing her great defigns; but fome of her beft and wifeft fubjects and moft gallant feamen had entered fo deeply into the plan, and laid it fo nearly to their hearts, that what the intended, in the fettlement of Virginia, was

m a good measure effected in the reign of King James I; though the undertaking was a great difficulty upon his timorous Councils, because the Spaniards, of whom he flood in fervile awe, did not approve of it: But his shame, with much debate, barely got the better of his fears, and that mine of treasure was opened to Great Britain. This, with what elfe has been executed in favour of England, both on the continent and in the iflands of that new world, has added fuch a weight of maritime force to the natural ftrength which we owe to our fituation, that we are able, by wife management, to give law to the ocean.

The Dutch were esteemed all the last century the only match for England on the feas; but, as a great part of their ftrength was merely artificial, it fubfides like the vivacity of a wretch who has raised his fpirits with a dofe of opium. Commerce, and that wealth and power which attend it, may be either abfolutely in the power of a state or empire, confidered in and by itself, without regard to its neighbours, which we call natural wealth, power, and commerce; or they may depend upon treaties with other ftates, or be owing to their connivance, which, pro tempore, amount to a tacit agreement: These latter fpecies may be called technical wealth. Such was the fishery of the Dutch, which they enjoyed by the inactivity of fome of our Englifh Kings; and this must decline of courfe, if we vigorously fupport our fisheries of every fort. Another branch of their artificial ftrength was, that, by the indolence of all nations, they were for a time the carriers of the universe; but the world is grown wifer, other nations begin to work for themselves; and the Netherlands will fadly find, that this temporary fund of ftrength muft alfo fail them. Their only natural foreign wealth and ftrength is their Eat-India trade; part of this is their own, because the land that produces fpice is in their poffeffion; but, when the two former branches fhall be cut off, they will find that poffeffion every day more and more precarious.

France has not the fame advantage as Great Britain in its fituation for maritime affairs; that country is extended wide within land, and has not the benefit of being penetrated by many deep creeks or navigable rivers; on half its borders it is bounded with the continent, and the good harbours of France are but few, compared with the numbers of ours. These reasons of our capacity for conftant fuperiority over them, in maritime affairs in general, ferved to prevent their increasing in North America as fast as we did, and also disabled them, in this pre

fent war, for protecting their colonies with a fufficient force in that part of the world.

It is an obfervation worthy the serious attention of every Englishman, that empire has always followed trade, travelling, as it were, from one part of the world to another, as commerce has shifted its ftation; and, in all countries, ftill growing or declining in power in proportion as traffic has been encouraged or difregarded.

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Cicero, writing to Atticus, fays, Qui mare teneat, eum neceffe rerum potiri.' This is the opinion of a very great man, who had been at the head of affairs in a moft powerful state above 1700 years ago; and the practice of all great Princes who have lived fince that time, and have ever defigned either to extend their dominions, or to render themselves confiderable to their neighbours, fully proves the obfervation to be true.

The Romans, who afpired to nothing less than universal empire, while their conquests were confined within the narrow bounds of Italy, were fo much prejudiced with the notion of a landed intereft, that, as Livy relates, they thought it fcandalous for a man of fashion to exercise any merchandise; and, in confequence of that prepoffeffion, they were not in a capacity to make any figure by fea, an element little practifed by them, and lefs understood. But this notion lafted only till they had an opportunity to look more abroad into the world; then experience taught them, as they came to quarrel with the Carthaginians, who at that time were the great trading people, that commerce was necessary to establish their empire; and that not only their conquefts were at an end, but the poffeffion of the territories they had conquered vas precarious, unless they could acquire and fecure to themfelves the dominion of the fea.

If the dominion of the fea is abfolutely neceffary to a people who aim at empire, of how much greater moment is it to a nation whofe grandeur, whofe wealth, whose very being depends upon commerce and navigation? It is with the highest reafon, therefore, that we ought to look upon every wrong done to our trading subjects, and on every attempt towards establishing a new maritime power in Europe, as the most fatal, and therefore the most unpardonable injury to a nation whofe glory confifts in being miftrefs of the fea, and whose strength lies in trade.

The nations, recorded in hiftory to have been at any time poffeffed of the empire of the fea, have always efteemed a neighbouring Prince's offering to fet up a naval power, by building more ships of war than were requifite

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requifite to fecure the trade of his fubjects, to be as just a foundation of political jealoufy, as the railing of new forts upon his frontiers, or the levying of a formidable army in a time of profound peace; and therefore they have always taken measures either to prevent fuch attempts, or to deftroy them in their birth. This was the practice of the Romans; and this has been the policy of the Kings of England.

The Romans, as foon as they had acquired the fovereignty of the fea, which they thought not dearly purchafed with the lots of above 700 fhips, immediately entered upon measures to preferve fo valuable an acquifition: They grew watchful over their new dominions, and were foon alarmed by the smallest umbrages, from any power that did but feem to interfere with them in naval affairs. It was from thefe political confide1ations that they would not admit the Carthaginians to fit out any fleets, and that they forbad Antiochus, at that time the greateft King in the east, to build more than 12 hips

of war.

It is not an empty title which the Kings of England have always taken to themselves, of being fupreme Lords and Governors of the ocean furrounding the British shore; but a right which they have constantly maintained, at the expence of numerous fleets. In that famous accord made between our great King Edward I. and Philip the Fair of France, it appears that the French King was by him called to an account for piracies committed by his fubjects within the British feas; and, by that memorable ordinance made at Haftings, in the reign of King John of England, the honour of the flag, ever claimed by the English, is decreed to take place univerfally, not barely as a civility, but as a right to be paid (cum debitâ reverentiâ) with due deference.

A detail of examples to the prefent purpofe is unnecessary, fince nothing is more known in our English hiftory, than that our Kings have ever been jealous of their neighbours making ufe of any pretext to increase their naval strength; and have accordingly judged it of the greatest importance to fruftrate fuch defigns, though at the rifque of a war; for what lefs did Queen Elifabeth rifque, when the fent to the French King, to prohibit his building any more fhips of war than what he then had, without her leave first obtained? This was an inftance of wisdom and refolution worthy a Princefs who claimed the fovereignty of the fea.

Cardinal Richlieu, who had fo extenfive views for aggrandifing the state of France, found no way more effectual to promote the power of the King, and the riches of the

nation, than to improve navigation and trade; and, indeed, there is no other that can bring us in gold and filver. That great Statefman fhews us very well, in his Political Tef tament, the neceffity and usefulness of a power by fea; and, according to him, trade has a neceffary dependence upon that maritime power.

It was upon the fame principle that Colbert, another great Minister in France, protected arts and manufactures. There were at that time in France a great many Factors and Commiffioners from foreign traders, but very few merchants. He looked upon Societies or Companies as the most proper means to engage the French to carry on trade by themselves; because this is the first ftep by which all maritime nations can cut out their branches of foreign trade; and it is the best way for all new branches to be first established, as Companies will hazard what private men will not: And, as among all the examples of commerce that are extant in the feveral parts of the world, there is none richer nor more confiderable than that of the Eaft-Indies, he discovered thereby the importance of navigation and of long voya ges, and he obferved that thofe voyages were not only indications of the power of a state, but also an infallible means of introducing plenty into it. With these views he formed the French Eaft-India Company, he protected it with all his power, affifted it with his money, and took upon himself the heavieft charges of the execution, though he would have no fhare in the profits of the fuccefs.

In this manner did that great Minister encourage traders to apply themselves to maritime commerce, and to build fhips proper for long voyages. The French East-India Com. pany was not the only one he formed; he eftablished one for the Weft-Indies, for the trade in the Levant, and for that in the North feas. He laid himself out for the improvement of the old manufactures, and established new ones; in fine, he gave powerful pretection to trade, arts, and manufactures, which he justly confidered as the most effectual means to increase the power of the King and the riches of the kingdom.

M. Colbert had the fatisfaction to see that his pains and endeavours were not fruitless; he left trade in a flourishing state; but, after him, the face of things very much changed; commerce was in a ruinous condition; and all the expences he had laid out for the eftablishment of the Eaft-India Company, and what were laid out fince his time by his fucceffors, were no longer fufficient to make that trade advantageous; now, at least, the fuperftructure is almost destroyed; the rava

ges

ges of war threaten to put the finishing hand to its ruin.

Navigation, which is the foul of commerce, procures always a vait profit to the state. The building of fhips, their victualling and ftores, though confiderable articles of expence, being laid out within the ftate, furnish feveral inhabitants with the means of living and inriching themfelves. It employs all the inhabitants of the fea-coafts, who can hardly be useful in any other way; and, for want of this navigation, are in a manner neceffitated to ferve in foreign countries: This is what happened, whenever we gave over our fea- trade. By lofing them we fuftain a double lofs; our coafts become defolate, our navigation languishes, and that of our foreign neighbours increases at our expence. Prohibitions against failors going out of the kingdom are useless; they are born only for failing, the fea is their element; if we do not employ them that way ourselves, no prohibitions will prevent their going elsewhere to feek for employment.

The antwer given by the Delphic oracle to the Athenians, to fortify their city with wooden walls, to defend themselves against the invafion of Xerxes, is an advice which all conquerors have taken to themselves, and which Lewis XIV. made ufe of fo fuccefffully, that his power by fea was become formidable to the English, Dutch, and Spaniards, as that of his grandfather was weak and contemptible.

It is navigation and commerce that render Great Britain rich and powerful, and have inabled her to counterbalance all the powers of Europe; and yet Great Britain is not equal in extent to the half of France.

It is alfo navigation and commerce that make Holland to powerful, though its dominion extends only over feven little provinces, which produce not the twentieth part of what is neceffary to the inhabitants; and yet they put to fea a prodigious number of fhips, and maintain confiderable armies by land.

Genoa, that formerly magnificent city, has but a fmall compafs of dominion: Would the ever have been in a condition to fupport fo many wars, were it not for the riches that commerce and navigation procured her? In what vaft expence has the been engaged for many ages, to refift the Venetians, and other people in Italy, to whom her profperity gave umbrage! How many feditions at home, amongit her inhabitants! How many tumults and commotions excited by thofe famous names of Guelphs and Gibelines! How much must all these have coft her ! What vaft expence has the been put to by the rebellion of Corfica, for thefe many years paft! She is ftill flourishing, after all, and

abounds with every thing: In the mean time, he has no other refource but from commerce.

The fpirit and tendency of all the laws, which have been made in relation to the navigation of thefe kingdoms, clearly fhew, that the principal view and aim of the Legislature has ever been to increase and encourage Britifh fhipping and British navigators. It is therefore requifite to maintain our wonted fuperiority, as a maritime power, and more efpecially at this juncture, when an univerfal fpirit and uncommon ardor for improving trade, navigation, and naval ftrength, prevails throughout Europe.

Trade, by the conftitution of our country, both with respect to its public and private, its ancient and modern, its general and particular laws, is certainly no degradation whatever; and it may with strict truth be affirmed, that commerce is that alone by which our nation fupports its head, and renders us of that confequence we are with foreign powers.

Without entering into the antiquity and honour of trade among the Egyptians, Jews, Greeks, and Romans, let us only examine on what footing of honour trade ftood with our ancestors, and how it is now, or should be esteemed with us.-To begin with the legiflative power; there is no body of people who have fo large a thare allotted in it as traders. Our Houfe of Commons confifts of Knights and Burgeffes; but the former, who are to confider the landed interest, are but few, when compared with the latter: There are no more than two allowed for any county, for many only one; but most trading towns fend one or more burghers to Parliament, to look to their trading intereft; and thefe the law (which is termed right and reafon) intends to be fuch, in the refpective towns, as live there, and understand the intereft, and are concerned in the benefit of the manufacture established in that burgh or town, for which they are chofen; and not ftrangers, who, perhaps, are too often elected for their money.

This was the juft scheme of our wife ancaftors, and dotli evidently prove how high a value is fet on trade by the conftitution of our government; fo that trade doth neither, by the laws of the land or honour, in the leaft detract from Gentility; but, on the contrary, great traders have frequently been admitted by our Princes into the upper House of Parliament, have been appointed Privycounsellors for their wisdom, and have been created not only Knights, but Baronets, Knights of the Garter and Bath, Bannerets, Barons, and Earls; which must fully demonftrate, that trading was not only for

merly,

merly, but is, even now, of the greatest confequence to the English nation, and never did, nor can, by our laws or customs, detract from any man or family, and that a great part of our Nobility are immediately defcended from great traders.

Verftegan, the English antiquary, in his titles of honour, mentions, that, in old times, if a merchant fo thrived, that he was able to cross the feas thrice, he was ever after reputed a right worthy Thein, and capable of higher advancement; fo that it hence appears, that traffic, at that time of day, ennobled its followers, who were not fo before; and, till lately, every man who had 401. a year in land, was qualified to be a Knight, and from thence came the term of Knight's fee with us: But, as King Charles abused this law in his wants, compelling every man who had that qualification to become a Knight, or to compound; it was, for that caufe, ranked among the chief grievances of his reign, and therefore was abolifhed by act of Parliament, at the reftoration.

These things prove abundantly, that the prefent greatnefs of the British nation is not owing to war and conqueft; and that it can be owing to the profeffion of law or divinity no one will fay: What can it be owing to then but to our trade and commerce?

The fplendor, the power, and dignity of Great Britain being thus raised by trade, it must be unaccountable folly and infatuation to lessen that one article in our efteem, which is the only fountain from whence we all are raised, and by which we are inriched and maintained. The Holy Scriptures, fpeaking of the riches and glory of the city of Tyre, which, at that time, was the emporium of the world for foreign commerce, from whence all the filks and fine manufactures of Perfia and India were exported all over the western world, fay, that her merchants were Princes, and her trafficers the Honourable of the earth;' and, in another place, By thy traffic thou haft increafed thy riches.' And certain it is, that nothing but our traffic has increased our riches, and given that illuftrious fplendor to our British Nobility and Gentry.

As all things are preferved, and brought to a greater degree of perfection, by the fanie means whereby they were firft eftablished; fo, when the Nobility and Gentry of thefe kingdoms are pleafed to confider the honour of trade, and how numerous and distinguished the noble and honourable families are that have rose by it to the highest dignities, in wealth, and in knowledge of the nation's true intereft; when others of our illustrious Nobles and Genury, who have been advan

ced to the pinnacle of grandeur by other channels than thofe of commerce, fhall alfo be pleased to confider, that it is trade alone which gives a value to their landed estates, and adds to the glory of their Sovereign, as well as of themfelves; none among them will treat a subject of fuch confideration with indifferency, nor look upon trade in a contemptuous light: For, after all the machinations and intrigues of politics that these kingdoms have, or can purfue, experience ever has, and ever will evince, that a tenacious regard to our commercial interefts, both at home and abroad, will prove the great pillar of the state.

It is the great advantage, fays Mr. Addifon, of a trading nation, that there are very few in it fo dull and heavy who may not be placed in stations of life which may give them an opportunity of making their fortunes. A well-regulated commerce is not, like law, phyfic, or divinity, to be overstocked with hands; but, on the contrary, flourishes by multitudes, and gives employment to all its profeffors. Fleets of merchantmen are fo many fquadrons of floating fhops, that vend our wares and manufactures in all the mar kets of the world, and find out chapmen under both the tropics.'

The Gentleman, who has made the knowledge of trade one branch of his study, will be capable of judging for himself, which of his family have the belt turned genius to engage with credit and honour in the practice thereof, and in what capacity therein a fon may render himself the most confpicuous. This is no little advantage, as well as fatisfaction to a family; for it is not always fafe to rely on the loofe and indifferent advice of others, in matters whereon the intereft and happiness of families depend.

There is no branch of knowledge but may, if duly applied, contribute fo to form and embellish the human mind, as to render men the more ferviceable to fociety; and whoever is defirous to be useful, and to diftinguish himfelf in any eminent capacity, will make his natural and acquired abilities fubfervient to that chief end, and fet no greater value on any accomplishment, than as it is conducive to that or fome other end, beneficial to his country or family.

What end can men of the firft rank and condition propofe to themselves better than that of making millions of their fellow-creatures happy? And what, in a land of liberty, like this, can answer that glorious intention better than the promotion of commerce; every man's property here being duly fecured, when thus acquired?

Britain has therefore nothing to fupport but her commerce. On our foreign trade,

not

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