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The Magyars had revolted against alien rule. They had claimed self-government in the name of equality, liberty, and justice. However, as soon as they had obtained selfgovernment, they denied to the non-Magyar nations of Hungary that liberty, equality, and justice which they had claimed for themselves as a natural right. A German minority oppressed and persecuted a non-German majority in the Austrian half of the monarchy, and a Magyar minority introduced worse than Austrian methods of government in the Hungarian half. However, the Austrian Germans and Hungarian Magyars did not persecute and oppress all the other nationalities, but, faithful to the principle Divide et Impera,' endeavoured to weaken them by giving favours here and there and setting them against one another. The Poles in Galicia were protected by the Austrians because their goodwill would be precious in case of a war with Russia. At the same time, they allowed the Poles to oppress the neighbouring Ruthenians, so that the hostility of the Ruthenians could be used as a counterpoise if the Poles should become too overbearing. Hungary patronised the SerboCroats for similar reasons.

The Ausgleich of 1867 divided Austria-Hungary into two States, but it did not bring about a final settlement between the two leading races. Hungary aimed at full equality with Austria, if not at supremacy. Austria, which hitherto had been supreme, resisted Hungary's claims and endeavoured to keep the control of the foreign policy of the Dual Monarchy in her own hands, notwithstanding Hungary's objections. In numerous matters of national concern, Vienna required the consent of Budapest, and every Austrian demand was used by the Magyars as a means for extorting fresh concessions from their unwilling partner. Year by year the friction between the two countries increased. Year by year the feelings between Austrians and Magyars became more bitter. The Hungarians openly threatened to make themselves entirely independent of Austria, and to leave her in the lurch. On many occasions they showed

their determination to achieve complete supremacy and make Austria a subordinate State. On October 1, 1909, for instance, the Hungarian Minister, Count Albert Apponyi, published a decree addressed to the educational authorities, demanding that in books and maps the words 'AustroHungarian Monarchy' should everywhere be replaced by the words' Hungary and Austria.' Austrians and Magyars, Vienna and Budapest, loathe each other. In 1910 AustriaHungary had in round figures 50,000,000 inhabitants. Of these about 18,000,000, the Germans in Austria and the Magyars in Hungary, form the ruling nations-the 2,000,000 Germans in Hungary are left out because they are oppressed by the Magyars-and these rule over 32,000,000 people, the subject nationalities. Now the two ruling nations are divided into 10,000,000 Germans and 8,000,000 Magyars who hate each other with the fiercest hatred, while they themselves are equally bitterly hated by the various nationalities which they try to keep down. Hobbes' 'Bellum omnium contra omnes' prevails in the Dual Monarchy. The Dual Monarchy is a Dual Anarchy, and the Anarchy which prevails in the country is largely responsible for its defeats. A State which is inhabited by ten different nations, which persecute and hate one another, cannot progress in peace and cannot offer a united front against an enemy in war.

The inter-racial relations in Austria-Hungary are most complicated. As a full and adequate account would require a book, I will briefly deal with the position of only the more important nationalities, and especially those which are most likely to be directly affected by the present War.

Galicia is inhabited by Poles and Ruthenians. The Poles, as has been previously stated, are the ruling element in Galicia, for they have been allowed by Austria to oppress the Ruthenians, and they have been given a good deal of freedom. On August 5, the Grand Duke Nicholas, Commander-in-Chief of the Russian forces, addressed the

following appeal to the Poles in Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary:

Poles, the hour has sounded when the sacred dream of your fathers and your forefathers may be realised. A century and a half has passed since the living body of Poland was torn in pieces, but the soul of the country is not dead. It continues to live, inspired by the hope that there will come for the Polish people an hour of resurrection and of fraternal reconciliation with Great Russia. The Russian Army brings you the solemn news of this reconciliation which obliterates the frontiers dividing the Polish peoples, which it unites conjointly under the sceptre of the Russian Czar. Under his sceptre Poland will be governed again, free in her religion and her language. Russian autonomy only expects from you the same respect for the rights of the nationalities to which history has bound you. With open heart and brotherly hand Great Russia advances to meet you. She believes that the sword with which Poland struck down her enemies at Grünwald has not yet rusted. From the shores of the Pacific to the North Sea the Russian Armies are marching. The dawn of a new life is beginning for you, and in this glorious dawn is seen the sign of the Cross, the symbol of suffering and of the resurrection of peoples.

During the reign of the late Czar, Russia's policy towards the Poles was influenced by various currents and crosscurrents. Many prominent Russians were more afraid of constitutional government, of democracy, and of internal troubles than they were of Germany and Austria-Hungary. Consequently the policy of the Russian Government towards the Poles was hesitating and somewhat contradictory. But even during the reign of the late Czar the tendency to give to the Poles self-government and freedom became constantly stronger. The leaders of the new Russian democracy have completely abandoned the reserve and the suspicions with which Polish affairs have hitherto been treated. They have whole-heartedly declared themselves in favour of giving to the Poles complete independence in accordance with the principles of liberty and nationality

which have animated the revolutionaries in converting Russia into a Republic. The outlook for the creation of an independent Poland, embracing all the Polish-speaking people, has never been fairer than it is at present.

The 5,000,000 Austrian Poles receive preferential treatment from Austria, and they have little reason to be dissatisfied with their present position Still, if Russia carries out her programme and reconstitutes the ancient State of Poland, the Galician Poles will scarcely care to be left out. Polish independence is bound to prove more attractive than the privileges which they receive at present from Austria, and which may be withdrawn. Besides, the Galician Poles remember the wrongs which they have suffered at Austria's hands. They remember not only the partition of Poland, but also the sanguinary agricultural risings and the fearful butcheries which Austria perpetrated in Galicia in order to weaken the Poles, and the infamous extinction of the Republic of Cracow in 1846. After the Revolution of 1848 the Poles were treated worse than ever. Only after her defeat of 1866 did Austria give them greater freedom. If the Allies should be victorious, the loss of the Polish districts of Austria seems inevitable.

Germans and Austrians have frequently told us that the Poles are unfit to govern themselves, that they are unprogressive, wasteful, unthrifty, dirty, and drunken. These arguments as to Poland's unfitness to govern herself can best be refuted by the following most remarkable figures: Polish Co-operative Societies.

Number

Members Share Capital

Deposits

Loans Outstanding

£ £ £ 297,607 1,079,929 12,420,057 12,047,717 849 509,168 2,370,613 19,652,581 20,165,980 1812 916,476 4,439,337 34,944,184 39,048,734 2686 1,307,120 6,309,926 46,970,354 55,203,6.2

1900 1904

420

1909 1912

These most remarkable figures are taken from Michalski's

book, Les Sociétés Coopératives Polonaises (Lemberg, 1914). They refer to all Poland, and they show that the co-operative movement, the best test of a nation's providence and progress, has made enormous strides among the Poles. In the short space of twelve years the number of Polish co-operators has more than quadrupled, the share capital of the societies has increased about sixfold, and the deposits, which represent chiefly the savings of poor people, have increased from £12,420,057 to no less than £46,970,354. People who display such remarkable prudence in their own affairs may be entrusted with self-government.

The 3,500,000 Ruthenians who inhabit Southern Galicia and the neighbouring districts of Hungary are part of the great Slav family. They are part of the Little Russians,' who dwell in South Russia in the Ukraine. Desiring to weaken Russia, Austria-Hungary has lately discovered that the Ukrainains are a separate race and possess an ancient history and language. The Austrian Government, which is not at all desirous to stimulate nationalism in its own borders, has suddenly become a passionate advocate of the national and linguistic claims of the Ukrainians. In the realm of the Habsburgs the end justifies the means. Men who are the enemies of nationalism in their own country have passionately championed the national claims of Albania and the Ukraine. Government money has been spent without stint in placing the claims of the Albanian and the Ukrainian nations before the public of the principal countries, by expensive illustrated books, articles, lectures, letters to the Press, &c. Besides, Austria has thoughtfully established Ruthenian professorships at the Lemberg University. The Austrians have become enthusiastic about the Ukrainian nationality in the hope of producing a split among the Russians. According to Government-paid Austrian writers, South-western Russia, with Kiev, is Ukrainian, and claims, rightly, an individuality and an independent national existence. The Austrian Government has raised the Ukrainian question in order to foment troubles in Russia. Its

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