each of the Contracting Parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged at Caracas, as soon as circumstances shall admit.

In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the foregoing Articles, in the English and Spanish languages, and they have hereunto affixed their seals.

Done in duplicate, at the city of Caracas, this 27th day of August, in the year of our Lord, 1860.

(L.S.) E. A. TURPIN.

(L.S.) PEDRO DE LAS CASAS.

CORRESPONDENCE between Great Britain, Austria, France, &c., respecting the Affairs of Italy.-January-April, 1860.*

No. 1.-Lord A. Loftus to Lord J. Russell.—(Rec. January 16.) MY LORD, Vienna, January 12, 1860. In my late conversation with Count Rechberg on the subject of the dangers to be apprehended from a conflict between the Papal troops and the army of Central Italy, his Excellency took occasion to animadvert in strong terms on the continued attempts of the Sardinian Government to incite the populations of Venetia and the Southern Tyrol to throw off their allegiance to Austria.

Count Rechberg stated that there was one point on which he was happy to say he wholly participated in the views of Her Majesty's Government, namely, in a desire to preserve the general peace of Europe; but that no tranquillity or repose could exist, nor could the security of peace be assured, so long as the Sardinian Government continued to foment discord and insurrection within the States of her neighbour.

"Peace," said his Excellency, "has been now signed between us; all we ask is that this peace shall be faithfully respected."

I inquired of his Excellency whether he had any real grounds, any positive facts, in proof of the serious charge he had thus brought against the Sardinian Government; for that it was extremely difficult to rely on mere general reports, which, in many cases, were much exaggerated, and which oftentimes on examination proved to be groundless.

His Excellency replied that his information in this respect was most authentic, and he would relate to me the following incident, which fully substantiated the charge he had made.

Within very lately a proposal was made to an influential person *Laid before Parliament, 1860.

in the Southern Tyrol to aid and assist in getting up a popular demonstration in favour of the annexation of that Province to Sardinia; and it was suggested that a deputation should be sent to the Congress when it met at Paris, with a petition praying for the separation of the Southern Tyrol from Austria, and its incorporation with Sardinia.

The reply given was a remarkable one. It stated that any such proposal would render but a bad service to Sardinia, as that province formed part of the Germanic Confederation, and that consequently any attempt on the part of Sardinia to acquire possession of it would not only be fruitless, but would arouse the susceptibilities and hostility of the whole German nation.

In reply to my observation that this proposal might possibly have been put forth by some unauthorized political emissary without the knowledge or sanction of the Sardinian Government, Count Rechberg stated that such was not the case, as it had emanated from Count Cavour, and had been related to him by the person to whom it had been addressed. I have, &c. Lord J. Russell.

AUGUSTUS LOFTUS.

No. 2.-Lord A. Loftus to Lord J. Russell.-(Rec. January 16.) MY LORD, Vienna, January 12, 1860. Ar an interview I had with Count Rechberg on Monday last, I stated to his Excellency, that from information which had reached Her Majesty's Government, certain apprehensions were entertained that the troops which had been lately raised in the Austrian States for the Papal service would attack the position of the army of Central Italy in the Romagna, and that in view of the grave results which such a measure might give rise to, Her Majesty's Government sincerely hoped that the Imperial Cabinet might be induced to use their influence to dissuade the Court of Rome from taking this hostile course, which could not fail of producing the most serious consequences to the peace of Italy.

I represented to his Excellency that if such a measure were resorted to by the Pope, it would infallibly lead to fresh complications, for the presence of Austrian troops in the ranks of the Papal army would undoubtedly be viewed by Sardinia in the light of a masked intervention, and would afford to that Power a pretext for marching into the Legations, in defence of the army of Central Italy.

Count Rechberg replied, that the Imperial Government could not recognize under the denomination of "Austrian troops," any of their subjects who might have taken service in the Papal army. He denied that the Government had had any part in the enlistment of these soldiers, and they could not, therefore, be held responsible for

it. His Excellency admitted that some Austrian subjects had taken service in the Papal army, but he stated that their number, although greatly exaggerated, was very small; and he further adverted to the fact that a far greater number of Austrian subjects were to be found serving in the ranks of the Italian army under General Fanti. "Why should you not, therefore," said his Excellency, "equally expostulate at the presence of these latter under arms for the Italian cause? We have no object in restraining individuals from employing their labour as they think fit. We see no reason to keep our population under lock and key. We have not endeavoured to prevent those who wished to join the Italian army from doing so, nor can we exercise restraint on others. On the contrary, we consider the means of subsistence thus offered to persons who have no employment, rather as a gain than a loss."

I replied to his Excellency, that the subject to which I had called his particular attention referred to the grave dangers which might result if, in consequence of the presence of this additional force, the Pope should attempt to regain Bologna, or make any attack against the army of Central Italy. If such an unfortunate occurrence were to happen, it would lead to a renewal of the war in Italy; and in the interest of Austria herself, of Italy, and of Europe, it became the duty of every one to endeavour to avert such a deplorable event.

Count Rechberg replied that the Pope was an independent Sovereign, and that no one could contest his undoubted right to subdue a province which had revolted against him-a province which ormed part of his lawful territory. His Excellency considered that the apprehensions entertained on this subject were unfounded; for he could not think it probable that the Papal Government, whose military forces did not exceed 8,000 men, would ever commit an act so hazardous and so impolitic as to attack an army of 50,000!

With reference to the asserted pretext for Sardinian intervention, if any attack were made by the Papal army against Bologna (an eventuality which his Excellency in no wise contemplated), Count Rechberg stated that he could not recognise in such a case any right of Sardinia to interfere, or to occupy Central Italy; and that were she to do so, it would be a flagrant violation of her Treaty engagements; and his Excellency considered that if any such eventuality were to be apprehended, the influence of Her Majesty's Government might be usefully exerted to dissuade Sardinia from taking a step from which it was feared that such disastrous consequences might result.

Count Rechberg again repeated that the Imperial Government had nothing to do with the recruitments which had taken place for the Papal service; that they had equally refrained from opposing

the departure from Venetia and the Southern Tyrol of those who had joined the ranks of the Italian army; and he emphatically stated that the Imperial Government could not recognize as "Austrian troops" those of their subjects who had taken service in a foreign State. I stated to his Excellency that the complications which might arise therefrom were of an equally serious character whether the enlistment took place with or without the sanction of the Imperial Government, and that it was to the dangerous consequences which might result from the presence of Austrian subjects in the Papal ranks to which I had invited his serious attention. I could only trust, therefore, that his Excellency would recognize the gravity of this question; and that the Imperial Government, in their own interest, as well as in that of Europe would use their best influence to avert the serious consequences which a conflict between the Papal forces and the army of Central Italy must inevitably produce. I have, &c.

Lord J. Russell.

AUGUSTUS LOFTUS.

No. 3.-Lord J. Russell to Lord A. Loftus.

MY LORD, Foreign Office, January 14, 1860. IN addressing you in my despatch of the 3rd of December on the subject of the affairs of Italy, I said, "Even supposing the Emperor Napoleon not to be so decidedly pledged as he is against a restoration by force, it is worthy of the wisdom of the Austrian Government to reflect what would be the inevitable consequences of such a restoration, could it be effected. Would not those consequences be a struggle, constantly renewed, to obtain that independence which had for a time been frustrated, and a necessity for Austria to make efforts which her finances could ill bear, to preserve or regain that ascendancy in Italy which, for a time, she has lost?

"Whether, or no, the party which, under the auspices of Sardinia, has borne on its flag the motto of Italian independence, was animated by a noble aspiration or a chimerical fancy, is not now the question.

"The Proclamations of the Emperor of the French and the struggles of the war, however honourable those struggles to the character of the Austrian army, have given a reality, a solidity, and a power to the cause of Italy.

"We at least are convinced that an authority restored by force of arms, maintained by force of arms, constantly opposed to the national wishes, would afford no solid and durable basis for the pacification and welfare of Italy."

In your reply of the 12th ultimo, you stated, "With reference to that part of your Lordship's despatch which refers, in the event of a restoration of the Archduke, to the struggle which would be

constantly recurring by the Italian people to acquire the independence of which they had had a temporary enjoyment, and to the efforts which Austria would make to preserve or regain that ascendancy in Italy which she had lost, Count Rechberg stated it was an error to suppose that Austria was striving or anxious to regain that ascendancy, or to exercise an influence in Italy; he could honestly declare that Austria had no such wish; that the costly experience of the past had given her a salutary lesson in this respect, and that she neither entertained the wish nor the intention of interfering in Italian affairs."

Encouraged by this declaration which, if not verbally accurate, no doubt represents the sentiments and intentions of the Austrian Government, Her Majesty's Government venture to hope that propositions to the following effect might be accepted by the Emperor of Austria:

1. That France and Austria should agree not to interfere for the future by force in the internal affairs of Italy, unless called upon to do so by the unanimous assent of the 5 Great Powers of Europe.

2. That, in pursuance of this agreement, the Emperor of the French should concert with His Holiness the Pope as to the evacuation of Rome by the troops of France. The time and manner

of that evacuation to be so arranged as to afford the Papal Government sufficient opportunity to garrison Rome with the troops of His Holiness, and to take every precaution against disorder and outrage. Arrangements to be made for the evacuation of Northern Italy by the troops of France at a convenient period.

3. The internal government of Venetia not to be in any way matter of negotiation between the European Powers.

A further proposition has been made to France to the following effect:

4. Great Britain and France to invite the King of Sardinia to agree not to send troops into Central Italy, until its several States and Provinces shall, by a new vote of their Assemblies, after a new election, have solemnly declared their wishes as to their future destiny. Should that decision be in favour of annexation to Sardinia, Great Britain and France will no longer require that Sardinian troops should not enter those States and Provinces.

To this proposal we do not ask the assent of Austria, but the purport of it we are by no means desirous to conceal from her.

We do not ask-we do not expect-the recognition by Austria of any authority in Central Italy which, according to her principles, is not entitled to such recognition. Great Britain and France, whilst they acknowledge the vast benefits to be derived from hereditary monarchy, do not think those benefits destroyed or diminished