France, and not only on those points, but that it would also be the fittest protector and guarantee of the rights of all independent nations, and the general interests of Europe. Besides, the power of the emperor of Russia, his character, and his love of justice, together with his pacific disposition, rendered him a fit person for the office of mediator. He considered that, at all events, a connexion with Russia, was the most desirable, which, under the present circumstances of the world, was open to this country. The emperor of Russia had given a striking proof of his moderation, in rejectnga proposition of France, which went to the dismemberment of the Turkish empire. Mr. Fox then dwelt, at considerable length, and with much animation, on the great advantages that might be derived from a connexion with Russia, without whose assistance, although this country possessed sufficient means of self-defence, yet it want means, which could be brought to bear upon those great contiDental interests, which are of such finite importance in settling our disputes with France; he should propose the interference of Rus, if he had supposed that power at all partial to France, but beeving her sentiments to be quite the other way, he thought nothing more desirable. He concluded, by moving an address to his majesty, to the import stated in his speech. Lord Hawkesbury, thought no fair parliamentary grounds had been lad for the motion, and that it was one which might do much arm, but could do no good. He Light no case had been made out, which would warrant the interfer

ence of parliament, in the exercise of the kingly prerogative. He declared, most expressly, that since the signing of the peace of Amiens, no efforts had been wanting, to endeavour to establish such a concord among the continental powers, as might best secure their peace and independence; this was done, without any design of going to war, for the purpose of setting the continent to rights, but merely for defensive operations, and to preserve the peace of the continent. He considered, that the proposal of making use of the Russian ambassador, as an intermediary in the discussions with France, could not be productive of any advantage, while France positively refused to accede to the only terms which his majesty could listen to. He wished that the negociation might again be renewed, and peace restored, if it could be done with honour; but, in the mean time, he could not consent to cripple our exertions, and paralyze our strength. He objected to the motion, not so much upon the principle of it, as because it appeared to him unnecessary, and that it conveyed an unfounded distrust of the sincerity of ministers, in their desire of peace.

Mr. Fox, in explanation, denied that this was his intention.

Mr. Pitt, concurred in all the general principles, upon which the motion was grounded. lle had heard that speech, with infinite satisfaction, as the sentiments of it were those which, in the best times of this country, enabled it to contribute to the general liberty and independence of Europe; to support the rights, and redress the wrongs of the lesser powers, and successfully

successfully to resist the encroachments of ambition. These were the principles which had been contended for, in the last war, and which had founded the honor of this country. He was glad to hear these principles admitted by the hon. gentleman (Mr. Fox), who formerly differed so widely from him in the application of them. As to interfering in the affairs of the continent, he did think it was the policy of this country not to be too ready to involve itself in war, upon every slight movement; but that it should oppose any great conyulsion on the continent, which, by destroying the independence of other nations, materially affected the interests of this country. It would be a weak policy, to throw away entirely the assistance to be derived from continental connections. After again expressing his perfect approbation of the principles on which the motion was grounded, he still hoped, that Mr. Fox would not persist in it, as there appeared no reason to doubt, but that his majesty's ministers would act in conformity with those general principles.

Mr. Fox, in explanation, vindicated the consistency of his principles now, with those he had formerly expressed. The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Pitt), had confessed, that he had only abandoned them last war, by the untoward events which rendered the further prosecution of it hopeless. He had considered the war in that light, long before, and the only great difference between him and Mr. Pitt, upon the subject was, that what that right hon. gentleman had seen at the latter end of the war, he had

foreseen many years sooner. He did not wish to press his motion to a division, if the noble lord would give the house that information for which he sought, whether it was the intention of his majesty's ministers to avail themselves of the dispositions manifested by the emperor of Russia, or whether the court of Russia had offered its mediation on a large and general scale?

Lord Hawkesbury said, the offer of Russia was made in a very loose and general way, and just at the time when lord Whitworth was on the point of leaving Paris. Our ultimatum had been rejected, and the negociations were then at an end. The British government was ready to accept the mediation of Russia, both with respect to our own disputes with France, and to the general interests of the empire; but at the same time, until those disputes could be settled, ministers could not advise his majesty to suspend, in any degree, his exertions for the continuance of the

war.

Mr. Fox admitted this declaration to be a sufficient pledge of the conduct of government in this respect; and therefore consented to withdraw his motion.

Such was the issue of the solitary attempt made by the "old opposition" to direct the current of the public opinion, respecting the possibility of evading a rupture with France. What effect the proffered mediation of Russia might have had in the present circumstances; of the principle on which it was tendered; and of the wisdom of its rejection; it will be the province of a distinct portion of this volume to investigate.

estigate. In a parliamentary oint of view, the debate was worof remark, as it afforded the st instance of Mr. Pitt's coinciela opinion, with those who approved of the measures of the mister, at least so far as related the hostile system now about to epted; and which, though it saturged with all that strength and perunacity, which on most oc, distinguished his public dat; yet it sufficiently evinced there existed no longer that of sentiment, and harmony Common, which prevailed during early period of the present adastration, between him and Mr. Asaraton. On this occasion too,

it is to be observed, that though Mr. Grenville, Mr. Windham, and the strength and talent of those who had always decried the definitive treaty, and predicted its inevitable consequences, were in the house; they took no part whatever upon this motion of Mr. Fox's, which it is probable they considered, as in itself inefficient or nugatory; or which, if adopted, would lead to that sluggish and temporiz ing system, which ministers seemed for a moment to have shaken ofï; a conduct, in which it was too much the interest of the empire, not to wish them to persevere; and consequently not the object of the “ new opposition" to retard or embarrass.

CHAP.