the horrors of seeing Bonaparte's flag on the tower of London, or his political principles current in this country, were still more terrifying to

Mr. Archdall hoped the vote of that night, would be understood both at home and abroad, as the cool decision of the representatives of agreat nation, who wished to act in the spirit of the answer given to majesty. It was not the dark st of a perpetual dictator, be the voice of a great and free an, adequately represented. He had often heard the situation of the country, spoken of in the most desponding terms, by those very nemen who were for the most rous measures. They seemed sa to vote the country to vigor, to debate it to despair. He heard that a general should not slightly of his enemy, but that a common soldier should; now he no policy in describing our situon to the enemy, so as that they d despise both general and der: if what was said in the passed no further, there d be no harm perhaps, in genen speaking one way, and voting er: but as those things traand far, it was very dangerous, Be strength of France was also red; it was supposed by

, that her resources were ed on pillage, and its alliances pulsion: if so, he saw no That reason for us to dread her er. If with our great resources, loyalty firm, our honor uned, our glorious navy, our and people in a mass attachour constitution, we should bedoomed to fall and be desjea; he must say, there was

something in it beyond human foresight, and therefore we must not be ashamed of our destruction.

Mr. Cartwright also supported the resolution proposed.

Mr. Whitbread condemned the language that had been so often repeated, of a determination to defend our honor, and not to bear insult: he thought that might be very well inferred, from what this country had formerly done; and that consequently such language was unnecessary, and not in the tone of true spirit. He did not seriously believe, that France meditated an attack upon this country, and thought the French government might as well pretend to be alarmed. with the fears of an attack from this.

Nations, as well as individuals, often retained ridiculous apprehensions of danger; we had once entertained strong apprehensions from Dunkirk being fortified, and now we cared very little about its harbour. We were very much afraid of Jamaica too, when the French fleet sailed for St. Domingo; but those sort of fears cannot last a very long time; he did not see how the vote now proposed, could at all tend to diminish the power of France. He concluded by declaring, that it was with pleasure that he had seen the government of the country, taken out of those hands, who had so misused it; and he dreaded the consequences of such men returning to power.

The hon. Dudley Rider supported the resolutions of an increased establishment.

Mr. Sheridan regreted, that any allusions had been made, to the supposed fitness or unfitness of individuals, to hold high offices in the government;

government; he thought there never was a crisis, in which it was more necessary, than at the present, to prove to the people of England, that they were above all party feelings; all party distinctions; and superior to any petty scramble for places or power. The case of Switzerland was, he thought, a case which deserved serious attention; inasmuch as it shewed how France was disposed to use its great power. A power capable of such unprovoked aggression, and such perfidy, was a power that ought strictly to be watched. If the pow~ er of France does not appear greater than in June last, her mischievous disposition certainly appears much greater. He should not however say, that Switzerland was a sufficient cause for going to war, he should still prefer peace if possible, but if it was not possible, he should wish to oppose the most prompt and determined resistance, to the first act of aggression. On that principle, he should cheerfully vote for a large peace establishment. If we were now to look to the map of Europe, there, where a great man, (who was however always wrong in his opinion on this subject) said," he saw a chasm that once was France," on the contrary, now, we would find nothing but France. The ambition of the ruler of France, must now be principally directed against this country. Prussia was at his beck, Italy his vassal, Spain at his nod, Portugal at his foot, Holland in his grasp, and Turkey in his toils. What object then remained for his devouring ambition, greater or equal to the conquest or destruction of this country? As to the opinion that

This

some gentlemen entertained, that it was a rivality of commerce that he aimed at, that was an opinion in which he could not acquiesce; he saw him indeed taking positions for the destruction of our commerce, but he did not see him taking any measures for the mutual benefit of the trade of the two countries. An ignorant observer, might see two armies, and pronounce there was no war, because there was no battle; yet the one may make such movements, as to oblige the other to surrender without a blow. Of the commercial talents of Bonaparte he could say but little; it was more likely, that being bred in camps, his views were more directed to the conquest of this country, than to any rivality of commerce. is the prayer that he daily addresses to whatever deity he adores whether Mahomet, the goddess of battles, or the goddess of reason, He had discovered that we all belong to the western family; for his part, he did not wish to be of his family party; but would rather be or the terms of civil neighbourhood and visiting acquaintance; would implore him not to consider us as belonging to his family. The existing circumstances appeared to him, to call for great vigilance and preparation, but they were sufficient to justify a war. A nobl lord (lord Temple) had with th ingenuousness of youth, or as som would say, with the inexperienc of youth, avowed that his princ pal object was to obtain a chang of ministers: but if that noble lor and his friends had been minister they could not have acted other wise than the present: they woul not have gone to war with Frand

he

no

abou

abct continental objects; they gat have grumbled a little, made ewry faces, and instead of sitbng with their arms across, they it have sat with their arms a-imbo. The noble lord's dislike to the present minister, put him in ad of the following english parodyoftso lines of Martial :

*I do not like thee, Dr. Fell, Tre reason why I cannot tell; *But this I'm sure, I know full well, "Id not like thee, Dr. Fell." He then entered generally into a dication of the conduct of the Fresent administration, and thought The former ministers had no right te take much credit to themselves, fer the Baltick expedition, which Chance, and the extraordinary skill ord Nelson, brought to a happy termination: nor for the Egyptian edition, which they had sent on orders to countermand. An exsecretary at war (Mr. Windham) peared formerly only to be afraid jacobinism: that is killed off" 13, and yet his fears continue. tovever any aggression should be de, we must meet it with a firm tion, that a country which Es achieved such greatness, has retreat in littleness; and that if were content to abandon every thing we would not find security in 4t submission; and that we ld meet it with a firm determito perish in the same grave, the honor and independance

Whe country.

Mr. Canning expressed the greatamiration of the sentiments of Mr. Sheridan; they were worthy

the man who had so often come d in times of public embarent, as the champion of the country's rights and interests, and

had rallied the hearts and spirits of the nation; he only regretted that such a speech had not come from the mouth of a minister. Such language from those in administration, would in his opinion, do more than fleets and armies, to ward off the attack of a foreign enemy, and to animate and maintain the spirit and energy of the people. But it was vain to look to that quarter for such language. He then, in the course of a long and very able speech, vindicated himself from the imputation of want of candor, in expressing his general sentiments, on the unfitness of administration, while he supported the measure proposed. When it was considered what wonderful effects had been produced in France, by the genius of one man, Bonaparte, he thought that it was absolutely necessary, that the administration of this country, should be entrusted to those, who were most evidently the fittest, from their superior talents and energy, to conduct its affairs in the hour of danger, with honor and advantage; and expressed in the stongest terms, that in his opinion, there was nothing more desirable for the country, than Mr. Pitt's return to office.

Mr. Wilberforce repeated the objections he had formerly urged, against this country involving itself too much in continental alliances. He wished that the nations of the

continent, would for the future, rely more upon their own exertions, than on our alliance.

Mr. Fox vindicated himself from the charge of being the apologist of France, but contended that small peace establishments were better

for

for the defence of the country, than large ones. It was our continental connexions, and not our own necessities for self defence, which first introduced the idea of standing armies into this country. Our ancestors never saw the necessity of them, as they did not wish to trouble themselves about continental affairs; and it was remarkable, that of all the wars which the country had waged for the last century, it was precisely those which we had began from the smallest peace establishments, that were the most 'successful. After expressing his opinion, that France could not conquer us by invasion, he said, there was another point in which we were perhaps more vulnerable; he meant, in our finances. He thought it might be the policy of France, to drive us by the menace of invasion, into an expence, that would prevent us from freeing ourselves from the national debt, which was the best ally of France. He thought that wise economy was better for this country, than high establishments; but if it were judged necessary to have 50, 000 seamen, he did not conceive, that that could be a reason for also increasing our military establishments so enormously if we rested our security on high establishments, he should suppose it was not necessary to have in addition, the aid of philippics. For his part, he saw nothing improbable in the supposition, that the ruler of France, having gained for himself great glory, should now wish to turn his attention to the improvement of his country.

Mr. Windham considered, that from the first day of the French revolution, to the present time, Mr.

Fox had always been the apologist, and often the eulogist of France; that at this very day he looked upon the revolution with affection, and kept all its enormities out of sight. He praised very highly the speech of Mr. Sheridan; but declared, that if formerly he was alarmed at French principles, he had now as good grounds to be alarmed at French power.

The chancellor of the exchequer, in reply to the argument of Mr. Fox, with respect to the financial state of the country, said, that its revenue was now so flourishing, that it could afford the increase proposed; and he thought that no smaller establishment would be sufficient, when the great power of France, and other circumstances, which had happened since the treaty of Amiens, were taken into consideration. After some observations from sir James Pulteney, the committee agreed to the resolutions.

The next day the debate was resumed, on the bringing up the report of the committee.

The right hon. Thomas Grenville complained of want of sufficient parliamentary information, before this increased establishment was proposed. He shewed that upon all former occasions, for the last century, the sovereign had always informed parliament of the circumstances which called for high or low establishments; when however a very large establishment was to be voted, he could not think of limiting the use of it, merely to the case of an actual invasion of the country.

Lord Hawkesbury insisted that as much information as was necessary, or usual, had been given to parliament, and that ministers called

for

for to more confidence, than was absurely necessary for every governt. The address contained the system which his majesty's ministrs had adopted, namely, to defend our own empire against all encroachment, and look with vigilace to the state of the continent. The adoption of such a system made it absolutely necessary to increase car establishments.

Sir Francis Burdett denied that Mr. Pitt's return to office was the Wish of any considerable part of the people, and severely condemned, not only the late administration, but the abuses in the system of goFerament as it now stood: such as the pension list, barracks, and solitary imprisonment. He thought the best way of uniting the people in defence of the country was, by giving them a more equal parliamenry representation, and a greater interest in its defence.

Mr. Hawkins Browne and Mr. Calcraft, spoke in support of the resolution, and expressed confidence as majesty's ministers. Dr. Lawrence was of opinion, that the national honor had been paired by the misconduct of his sty's ministers, on several octons; he particularly instanced Le dereliction of the interests of De prince of Orange, which had been formally promised, at the time Acing the treaty, to be attended odly, the conduct of the French Sent in imprisoning, and afterwards arbitrarily sending out of the country a British officer, captat D'Auvergne; and lastly, the reness with which our governrest ordered the prosecution of Peter for a libel on the first consul; We the Moniteur was daily slan

dering his majesty, the ministers, and the parliament.

The chancellor of the exchequer defended the conduct of his majesty's ministers in those instances; in the case of captain D'Auvergne, as soon as the British minister in Paris heard of his imprisonment, he made a demand of his release, which was immediately obtained.

Mr. Fox said, if the case of cap tain D'Auvergne had been exactly what was stated by Dr. Lawrence; if the national honor was really wounded in the person of a British officer; this would be, in his opinion, a much more justifiable ground of war, than the conduct of France with respect to the German empire or Switzerland. Strongly as he was disposed to peace, still he should always prefer war to insult or infamy. He did not think the present was a time for renewing continental connexions. It would be rather ungenerous to expose Austria to such danger; and as for the great power of France, he thought there was no use in constantly complaining, unless we could point out some remedy.

Mr. Windham could not see, why Mr. Fox would suppose the national honor could be a ground of war, if he saw nothing of national dishonor in the case of the prince of Orange and captain D'Auvergne. He agreed with what had followed in the last debate from Mr. Sheridan, that a country which had been so long great, had no retreat in littleness.

Lord Castlereagh endeavoured to prove that Mr.Windham over-rated, the danger of the country, as much as Mr. Fox had under-rated it.

The