ambassadors at Paris, and at the Hague, have seriously to reproach themselves, if they have credited information so evidently false, and if they did not foresee that they thereby exposed their government to err in the most important deliberations. Was it not conformable to the usage practised among nations, first to demand explanations, and thus to take means for being convinced of the falshood of the intelligence which the ministers might have received? Must not the least effects of the omission of this practice be, to bring on the ruin of families, and carry confusion, uncertainty, and disorder into all the commercial affairs of both nations? The first consul knows, both from his own sentiments, and judging of other people by the French, that a great nation can never be terrified. He believes that good policy and the feelings of true dignity, ever inspire the sentiment of esteem for a rival nation, and never the design of menacing her. A great nation may be destroyed, but not intimidated. publicly made before it could be known that there was room for misunderstanding. The termination of the discussions were announced before they had begun. The issue of a difficult discussion has been declared before it arose. What would Europe, what would both nations think, if they knew that these discussions, announced by his Britan nic majesty as so difficult to termi nate, were unknown to the French government; and that the first consul, on reading the message, could not comprehend the meaning of either of the declarations therein contained. He has also abstained from any ostensible step; and whatever may have been the clamour, the activity, the provocations of war, which have taken place in England since that message, he has given no orders, he has made no dispositions, no preparations. He places his glory, in an affair of this nature, wholly in being taken in an unprovided state. He will continue in this system of honest frankness, until his Britannic majesty has reflected fully on the part he proposes to take. In lord Hawkesbury's note, an opinion is expressed, that the French republic has increased in power since ne peace of Amiens. This is a decided error. Since that epoch, France has evacuated a considerable territory. The French power has received no degree of augmentation. If his Britannic majesty is determined to make war, he may alledge all the pretexts he pleases. He will find few less founded. The second part of his majesty's message consists of another assertion, no better founded. His Britannic majesty makes mention of discussions, the success of which is doubtful. What are these discussions? What official notes, what protocole prove the opening, the pro gress, the vicissitudes of a debate? Can a state of difficulties, which leads to an alternative of peace or war, spring up unawares, without commencement, without progression, and lead without distinction to an appeal to arms, before all the means of conciliation have been exhausted. In this case, the appeal has been pable of influencing such a decision. VOL. XLV. As to the complaints made respecting the publications which may have appeared in France, they are of an order too secondary to be ca Ꮓ Ꮓ Are espect to To rehim eriment of f it was , the expect that *. Octo, in ernador last, sus and more Pas English miorant, that, of the treaty press has ragh Europe ne discredit of ed boundless es thing which eve and vene - na people? at the ratification as Britannic ma、、 declared, that the Set must be consi e distrust excited by gagnon, made in parliament pict deterness as improties Skou a commentary for agesen and alarms which Que despicable pampharewspapers, as conas those libels. Since that ders have found them<h6> marady supported in their gesak 1, ebbservations by particular passos zaken from the speeches of sure Casing members of parliament. tice speecies, scarcely to be exen by the newswriters themsee bare, for these eighteen What, if we connect with these sallies, proceedings more offensive and serious; the indulgence granted to French criminals, publishing daily outrages in the French language; the still more inexcusable toleration extended to villains covered with crimes, and plotting assassinations incessantly, such as Georges, who still continues to reside at London, protected, and having a considerable establishment; in a word, the little justice which has been shewn to all our representations--how are we to account for the pubiicity of the complaint which his Britannic majesty has thought proper to make respecting some indefinite wrongs which he has hitherto thought unnecessary to bring before the first consul? The first consul has had cause to be convinced that all his represents tions on all these points were useless, and that his Britannic majes ty, regardless of the neighbouring powers, was resolved to authorise every thing within his dominions; but he did not, on that account, entertain a doubt of the continuance of peace, nor alarm Europe with the notification of war. He confined himself to this principle of con duct, to permit or to prevent in France, with respect to England, whatever should be permitted or prevented in England with regard to France. He has, however, expressed, and he again expresses his wish, that means should be adopted to prevent, in future, any mention being made of what chat is passing in Englaud, either in the official discussions, or in the polemical writings in France, as in like manner in the French official discussions and polemical writings, no mention whatever should be made of what is passing in England. Lord Hawkesbury mentions an article in a newspaper, containing the report of a French colonel. In serious discussions, an answer on this point might be dispensed with; but it is neither a long nor difficult matter. A colonel in the English army has published a work, in England, filled with the most atrocious and disgusting calumnies against the French army and its general. The lies it contains have been contradicted by the reception which colonel Sebastiani experienced. The publicity of his report was at once a refutation and a reparation which the French army had a right to expect. On his arrival in Egypt, this officer, to his great astonishment, found the English army there, although they should have evacuated it, and the Turks prodigiously alarmned at the continuance of the English army, and at its relations with the natives, in rebellion and open revolt against the Sublime Porte. He must have conceived that the treaties which connect us with the Porte, and by which we have guaranteed to it the integrity of its possessions, compelled us to unite ourselves with that power. It was natural to think that England meant to declare war from the instant she refused to execute the articles of the treaty. For, after all, France is not reduced to such a state of debasement, as to suffer treaties made with her to be executed or not at pleasure. Hence the researches made by this officer, as to the forces which were in Egypt, and as to the position occupied by the English army. But Egypt has since been restored to the dominion of its lawful sovereign, and the idea of a rupture between the two nations, on account of the engagement contracted with the Porte, no longer exists. There remains, therefore, but one object worthy of fixing the attention of the two nations. The execution of the treaty of Amiens, as far as concerns Malta. His majesty has engaged to restore it to the order, and to entrust it to the Neapolitan army till the order should be in a condition to guard it. His majesty will reject all sophistry, every distinction, every mental reservation which might be offered to him, to put in doubt the force and the validity of his engagement. His Britannic majesty's equity, his conscience in this respect, are guarantees for the French republic. Were it otherwise, what means in future would the two nations have for coming to an understanding? Would not all be chaos? This would, indeed, be adding another calamity to those which have menaced social Inclosure in No. 49. The undersigned, his majesty's principal secretary of state for foreign affairs, has laid before the king the note of his excellency general Andreossy, of the 29th of last month. His majesty has been induced, by that spirit of moderation and forbearance which have invariably governed às conduct in every part of his communications with the French government, to abstain from making many observations which the perusal of this note may naturally have suggested to his mind. His majesty has perceived, with great regret, that the French government continue to withhold all sestaction and explanation on the pours on which he has complained ; aid that at the time when they evade al discussion on the subject of his representations, they persist in their requisition that the island of Malta should be forthwith evacuated by his forces. His majesty can never so far forget what is due to himself and to his people, as to acquiesce in such a course of proceeding; he has, therefore, judged it expedient to give instructions to his ambassador, at Paris, to ascertain, distinctly, from the French government, whether they are determined to persewere in withholding all satisfaction and explanation on the points on which his majesty has complained; or whether they are disposed, with out delay, to give such satisfaction and explanations upon the present state of affairs, as may lead to an accement which may be calculed to adjust the differences at prewon, subsisting between the two govestee's. It is his majesty's anxe desire that, by this mode of pro ceeding, an end may be put to that state of suspense and irritation which must be so injurious to the inte rests of both countries; and that the two governments, actuated by the same principles of justice and mode. ration, may be led to coacar in such measures as are most likely to conduce to their permanent tranquillity. The undersigned requests general Andreossy to accept the assurances of his high consideration. Hawkesbury. Downing Street, April 3d, 1803. Flis Excellency General Andreossy, &c. &c. &c. It is become essential, that the discussions which have been for some time subsisting between his majesty and the French government, should be brought to an issue within as short a time as is consistent with the deliberation which must be given to objects of so much importance. The last note presented by general Andreossy, in the name of his government, in answer to my note of the 15th of last month, evades all explanation, and even all discussion, of the points on which complaint has been made by his majesty. If the French government should seriously intend to persist in this course of proceeding, there can be no hopes of a successful termination to the present negociation. It is important, therefore, that you should ascertain distinctly, in the first instance, whether they are disposed to enter into explanation on the points on which his majesty has complain ed, ed, and to come to such an arrange ment as may be calculated to adjust the differences at present subsisting between the two countries; and for this purpose you will present a note to the effect of that which is herewith inclosed. It is possible that the French government may continue to evade all discussion on the points in question, and confine themselves to a categorical demand, that Malta should be immediately evacuated. In that case, it is his majesty's pleasure, that you should declare the impossibility of the relations of amity continuing to subsist between the two countries, and the necessity you will be under of leaving Paris within a certain time. But if, on the other hand, they should shew a readiness to enter into discussion, and to give reasonable satisfaction and explanation, it is important that you should be informed, without loss of time, of the sentiments of his majesty's government, as to what might be considered an equitable adjustment of the differences between the two governments at this moment. I have, therefore, by his majesty's command, inclosed the project of an arrangement, which, under the present circumstances, would meet the ideas of his majesty's government; which would afford security for those objects which are considered as endangered by the unequivocal disclosure of the views of the first cousul, and which, at the same time, might entirely save the honour of the French government. I am, &c. (Signed) Hawkesbury. His Excellency Lord Whitworth, &c. &c. First Inclosure referred to in No. 50. The undersigned, his Britannic majesty's ambassador extraordinary, has received the orders of his court to make the following communication to the French government. His majesty has perceived, with great regret, that the French government continue to withhold all satisfaction and explanation on the points on which he has complained, and that at the time when they evade all discussion on the subject of his representations, they persist in their requisition that the island of Malta should be forthwith evacuated by his forces. His majesty can never so far forget what is due to him. self, and to his people, as to acquiesce in such a course of proceeding. He has, therefore, commanded the undersigned to ascertain, distinctly, from the French government, whether they are determined to persevere in withholding all satisfaction and explanation upon the points on which his majesty has complained, or whether they are disposed, without delay, to give such satisfaction and explanation upon the present state of affairs, as may lead to an arrangement which may be calculated to adjust the differences at present subsisting between the two governments. It is his majesty's anxious desire, that, by adopting this mode of proceeding, an end may be put to that state of suspense and uncertainty which must be so injurious to the interests of both countries; and that the two governments, actuated by the same principles of justice and moderation, may be led to concur in such measures as are most likely to conduce to their permanent tranquillity. Whitworth. (Signed) |