of the Turkish empire, and the independence of the Ionian islands.His majesty has, however, since learned, that the French government have entertained views hostile to both these objects; and that they have even suggested the idea of a partition of the Turkish empire. These views must now be manifest to all the world, from the official publication of the report of colonel Sebastiani from the conduct of that officer, and of the other French agents in Egypt, Syria, and the Ionian islands, and from the distinct admission of the first consul himself, in his communication with lord Whitworth. His majesty was, therefore, warranted in considering it to be the determination of the French government to violate those articles of the treaty of peace, which stipulated for the integrity and independence of the Turkish empire, and of the lonian islands, and consequently he would not have been justified in evacuating the island of Malta, without receiving some other security, which might equally provide for these important objects. His majesty accordingly feels that he has an incontestible claim, in consequence of the conduct of France since the treaty of peace, and with reference to the objects which made part of the stipulations of that treaty, to refuse, under the present circumstances, to relinquish the possession of the island of Malta.

Yet, notwithstanding this right, so clear and so unquestionable, the alternative presented by the French government to his majesty, in language the most peremptory and menacing, was the evacuation of Malta, or the renewal of war.

If the views of ambition and aggrandizement, which have thus been

manifested by the French government since the conclusion of the treaty of peace, have in so very particular a manner attracted the attention of his majesty, it has been equally impossible for him not to feel, and not to notice, the repeated indignities which have been offered by that government to his crown and his people.

The report of colonel Sebastiani contains the most unwarrantable insinuations and charges against his majesty's government, against the officer who commanded his forces in Egypt, and against the British army in that quarter. This paper cannot be considered as the publication of a private individual; it has been avowed, and indeed bears evidence upon the face of it, that it is the official report of an accredited agent, published by the authority of the government to which it was addressed, who thereby have given it their express sanction.

This report had been published a very short time, when another indignity was offered to this country in the communication of the first consul of France to the legislative body. In this communication, he presumes to affirm, in the character of chief magistrate of that country, “That Great Britain cannot singly contend against the power of France ;" an assertion as unfounded as it is indecent, disproved by the events of many wars, and by none more than by those of the war which has been recently concluded. Such an assertion, advanced in the most solemn official act of a government, and thereby meant to be avowed to all the powers of Europe, can be considered in no other light than as a defiance publicly offered to his majesty, and to a brave and powerful people,

people, who are both willing and able to defend his just rights and those of their country, against every insult and aggression.

The conduct of the first consul to his majesty's ambassador at his audience in presence of the ministers of most of the sovereigns and states of Europe, furnishes another instance of provocation on the part of the French government, which it would be improper not to notice on the present occasion, and the subsequent explanation of this transaction may be considered as having the effect of aggravating instead of palliating the

affront.

At the very time when his majesty was demanding satisfaction and explanation on some of the points above mentioned, the French minister at Hamburgh endeavoured to obtain the insertion in a Hamburgh paper of a most gross and opprobrious libel against his majesty, and when difficulties were made respecting the insertion of it, he availed himself of his official character of minister of the French republic, to require the publication of it, by order of his government, in the gazette of the senate of that town. With this requisition, so made, the senate of Hamburgh were induced to comply; and thus has the independence of that town been violated, and a free state made the instrument, by the menace of the French government, of propagating throughout Europe, upon their authority, the most offensive and unfounded calumnies against his majesty and his government. His majesty might add to this list of indignities, the requisition which the French government have repeatedly urged that the laws and constitution of his country should be changed relative

His

to the liberty of the press. majesty might, likewise, add the calls which the French government have, on several occasions, made upon him to violate the laws of hospitality, with respect to persons who had found an asylum within his dominions, and against whose conduct no charge whatever has at any time been substantiated. It is impossible to reflect on these different proceedings, and the course which the French government have thought proper to adopt respecting them, without the thorough conviction that they are not the effect of accident; but that they form a part of a system which has been adopted for the purpose of degrading, vilifying, and insulting his majesty and his government.

Under all these insults and provocations, his majesty, not without a due sense of his dignity, has proceeded, with every degree of temper and moderation, to obtain satisfaction and redress, while he has neglected no means consistent with his honour, and the safety of his dominions, to induce the government of France to concede to him, what is, in his judgment, absolutely neces sary for the future tranquillity of Europe. His efforts, in this respect, have proved abortive, and he has, therefore, judged it necessary to order his ambassador to leave Paris. In having recourse to this proceeding, it has been his majesty's object to put an end to the fruitless discussions which have too long subsisted between the two governments, and to close a period of suspense peculiarly injurious to the subjects of his Majesty.

But though the provocations which his majesty has received might entitle him to larger claims than those 3 B3

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which he has advanced, vet, anxions to prevent calamities which might thus be extended to every part of Europe, he is still willing, as far as is consistent with his own honour, and the interests of his people, to afford every facility to any just and honourable arrangement, by which such evils may be averted. He has, therefore, no difficulty in declaring, to all Europe, that, notwithstanding all the changes which have taken place since the treaty of peace, notwithstanding the extension of the power of France, in repugnance to that treaty, and to the spirit of peace itself, his majesty will not avail himself of these circumstances, to demand in compensation all that he is entitled to require, but will be ready to concur, even now, in an arrangement, by which satisfaction shall be given to him, for the indignities which have been offered to his crown and to his people, and substantial security afforded against further encroachments on the part of France.

His majesty has thus distinctly and unreservedly stated the reasons of those proceedings to which he has found himself compelled to resort. He is actuated by no disposition to interfere in the internal concerns of any other state; by no projects of conquest and aggrandizement; but solely by a sense of what is due to the honour of his crown, and the interests of his people, and by an anxious desire to obstruct the further progress of a system, which, if not resisted, may prove fatal to every part of the civilized world.

Westminster, May 18, 1803.

Report made to the French Consul by Colonel Sebastiani, extructed

from the Moniteur of the 30th of Jan. 1803.

On the 16th of September I embarked at Toulon, on board the Cornelie: and on the 30th I arrived at Tripoli. I immediately wrote to baron Cederstrom, the Swedish rearadmiral, as well as to the minister of the pacha, to offer them my me. diation to terminate the diferences existing between the Swedish court and the regency. My mediation was accepted: the minister and the rear-admiral repaired to the commis. sarial house of France, and we entered on the negotiation. The two parties were far asunder; the pacha demanded a considerable sum, and an augmentation of the annual tribute. He urged a treaty made two years ago by an envoy of the king of Sweden, which assured the payment of 245,000 heary piastres, and of an annuity of 20,000; he added, that two years of war had subjected him to extraordinary expences, and that he used great moderation fa conforming himself to the treaty in question. M. de Cederstrom only offered, in the name of his court, 100,000 piastres for the redemption of the Swedish slaves, who were to the number of one hundred and fifty, and an annuity of 5000 piastres. After much debate, I succeeded in making them sign a treaty, which fixed the payment of the ransom at 150,000 piastres, and the annuity at 8000.-On the 1st of October I was presented, with much pomp, to the pacha, who received me in the most distinguished manner. The ex change of the ratification of the treaty of peace took place, and the Italian republic was formally acknow ledged. I caused its flag to be hoisted on the commissarial house of France, and it was saluted by the frigate

frigate and the place with 21 guns. -It was not without difficulty that the pacha consented to acknowledge that republic. He feared that all Italy was comprized in this new republic, and that, in consequence, he would be obliged to respect, indiscriminately, all the ships of commerce of that part of Europe :-this would destroy his marine. I gave him the necessary explanations, and particularly those which related to the object of his apprehensions, and he replied to me, Certainly I wish to be at peace with the Italian republic, without too much injuring my interest; but if it were still more difficult, I would do it, since the great Bonaparte desires it."-The pacha of Tripoli is a brave and enterprizing man, the friend of France. The English have furnished succours to his brother, who is at present at Derue, without means or credit. His plan is to raise the country against the bey. The political and administrative affairs of the regency are conducted by Seid-Muhammed-elDeghais, minister of the pacha. This man is full of sagacity, and has even some notions of European politics. He has been in France, and preserves for our country a predominant sentiment of affection. On the 2d of October I set out from Tripoli, and on the 16th arrived at Alexandria the same day I waited upon general Stuart, commandant of the English forces by land and sea. I communicated to him the order of the minister for foreign affairs, which enjoined me to proceed to Alexandria, and if the English still occupied that place, to demand a speedy evacuation, and the execution of the treaty of Amiens. General Stuart then told me, that the evacuation of the place would shortly be effected;

but seeing that I insisted, and that I desired an answer less vague, he declared to me, that he had no orders from his court to quit Alexandria, and that he even believed he should pass the winter there. General Stuart is a man of médiocre talents: he has for his aid-de-camp, a French emigrant, called the chevalier de Sades, a man of talent, and an enemy of France, who has much influence over the general. I went the same day to see Khourchid-Ahmid, the pacha of Alexandria, and the capitan bey, commander of the forces of the Ottoman Porte. After the customary

compliments, and some language agreeable to the Sublime Porte, I announced to them, that the agents of French commerce would assemble in Egypt. This communication gave them the greatest pleasure, and they did not conceal that they saw with grief the stay of the English in the country. I told them, that their stay could not be much longer, and that the general peace left no doubt of their approaching departure. On the 17th I visited the cheik El-Messiry. The same day I also visited the cheik Ibrahim Mufti. On the 18th I visited the coupure du Khalidj, which has formed the lake Mareotis. The current of the waters of the lake Madié is still very strong, and if the Porte does not make haste to re-establish this important canal, the overflows which take place on the little tongue of land that separates the two lakes, will render the opening so considerable, that it will be impossible to travel. I do not think that the Swedish engineer sent by the Porte to direct these labours, has the necessary talents. The formation of the lake Mareotis appears to have contributed to the salubrity of the air. The city has no other water

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