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tion, whose habits, and whose interests, make it the necessary ally of France.

Batavia Successively takes possession of the colonies which the peace restored to her.

She will ever remember that France must ever be her most useful friend or her most destructive foe.

In Germany the last stipulations of the treaty of Luneville are carrying into effect.

Prussia, Bavaria, all the secular princes who had possessions on the jeft bank of the Rhine, will obtain, on the right bank, suitable indemnities.

The house of Austria finds in the bishopricks of Salzburgh, Aischtett, Trent and Brixen, and the greatest part of Pau, more than it had lost in Tuscany. Thus, by the happy co-operation of France and Russia, all permanent interests are conciliated, and from the bosom of that tempest which seemed ready to overwhelm it, the German empire, that empire so necessary to the equilibrium and the repose of Europe, rises more powerful, composed of elements more homogeneous, better combined, and more adopted to the circumstances and opinions of the present age.

A French ambassador is at Constantinople, charged with renewing and fortifying the ties which attach us to a power which seems to be threatened with destruction, but which it is our interest to sustain and to support the foundations by which it is upheld.

The British forces are still in Alexandria and Malta. The government had a fair right of complaint, but it has received intelligence that the vessels which are to convey them

to Europe are already in the Medi terranean.

The government guarantees to the nation the peace of the continent, and it is permitted to entertain a hope of the continuance of maritime peace. This peace is the want, as well as the desire of all nations. For its preservation, the government will do every thing compatible with national honour, essentially connected with the strict execution of the trea ties.

But in England, two parties maintain a contest for power. One of those parties has concluded peace, and appears desirous of maintaining it. The other has taken an oath of eternal hatred to France. Hence that fluctuation of opinion and of counsels which prevail.-Hence that attitude, at the same time pacitie and menacing.

While this contest of parties continues, measures of precaution are what the government is called upon to adopt. Five hundred thousand men ought to be, and shall be ready to undertake its defence, and avenge its injuries. Strange necessity which miserable, passions impose on two nations, whom interest and inclination mutually prompt to the cultivation of peace.

Whatever success intrigues may experience in London, no other people will be involved in new combinations- the government says, with conscious pride, that England alone cannot maintain a struggle against France.

But we have better hopes, and we believe that in the British cabinet nothing will be listened to but the counsels of wisdom and the voice of humanity.

Yes, doubtless, the peace will

daily be more consolidated. The relation of the two governments will assume the character of good-will which is suitable to their mutual interests. A happy repose will bury the recollection of the long calamities of a disastrous war, and France and England, rendering their happiness reciprocal, will deserve the gratitude of the whole world. The first consul.

(Signed) Bonaparte.

By order of the first consul.
The secretary of state,

H. B. Maret.

Copy of a Letter from Citizen Talleyrand to Citizen Farveret, Paris, 26 Brumaire, 10th Yeur, (Nov. 17, 1803.)

I forward to you, citizen, a series of questions, concerning which I am desirous of having your anYou will have the goodness to place them opposite the questions on the same sheet of paper, doubled in two, similar to the one which I have the honour to send to you. I shall be obliged to you to send me this paper as soon as possible, with out, however, suffering your too great haste to be prejudicial to your accuracy. If you are doubtful upon any point, you will have the goodness to mention it. You will probably find no difficulty in consulting with some well-informed merchants or clerks in the custom-house, who you think may have it in their power to give you some positive information, and you will declare the Sources from whence you have drawn that information. You will not consider this business as forming a part of your official correspondence. You must not number it, but you must content yourself with putting

at the top of it, as in the projet which I enclosed to you, Private Cor respondence.

To Citizen Fauvelet, at Dublin.

Private Correspondence.

Questions.

1. What number of vessels have entered and cleared out of the ports within your district, within each year, from 1792 to 1801, inclusive?

2. What is their tonnage, or their admeasurement in sea tons of 2000 4 P.?

3. Under what flag do they navi,

gate?

4. From whence they come? 5. Whither bound?

6. With what merchandize freight

ed?

7. What was the price of freight to the principal ports of Europe, each sea ton of 2000 4 P. S. ?

8. What French productions are most in request in the market of the town where you reside, as well as of the other considerable towns in your district ?

9. What is the merchandize which can be exported to France with greater advantage from the said markets than from any other?

10. What are the course of exchange, and the current prices of merchandize, from three months to three months, from the year 1792 to 1801?

11. You are required to furnish a plan of the ports of your districts, with a specification of the soundings, for mooring vessels.

12. If no plan of the ports can be procured, you are to point out with what wind vessels can come in and go out, and what is the greatest draught

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to point out the remity of weights and those of France, anain holera, as soon as you 7 dbtained practical and mation on those points. You are to add to all this the pun samaise information, as well as particular, which you - be able to obtain from autho

especially with regard to comme and particularly respecting tabe accounts of purchases and sales of different merchandizes, in order to ascertain the expences, rights, and local customs in cases of purchases and sales.

20. Whether there are any fairs in your district; what species of traffic is carried on there, and to what amount.

ten of March 3 NGÀ

The following article is served by desire.

Pan Morili. For some months a war of DEWG papers, and of the press has been kept up between France and England. This seemed mere me dy. ing embers of an extinguison COLflagration; the last cossation of a desperate party; the food of some low passions, and a few ingr scribblers. The French government was far from attaching portance to such matters. Notwithstand 3 some difficulties in the complete ecution of the treaty of Amikos, they still believed they might rely on the good faith of the British goerament, and directed their attention solely to the re-establishment of the colonies. Relying upon the sacred. ness of treaties, they securely dis persed the remains of the French naval force, which had been given a prey to the English fleet. In this si tuation suddenly appeared a solemn message from the cabinet of St. James's, and informed all Europe that France was making considerable preparations in the ports of Holland and France; an address was voted by parliament, promising to the king of England such extraordinary means of defence, as the security of the British empire, and the honour of the three crowns, might re quire.

From the sudden appearance of this message, people doubted whe ther it was the effect of treachery, of lunacy, or of weakness. Let any one cast his eyes over the ports France and Holland, where he will find only detached naval prepara tions

el

tions destined for the colonies, and
consisting only of one or two line of
battle ships, and a few frigates. On
the other hand, let him look at the
ports of England, filled with a for-
midable naval force; on such a re-
view, one could be tempted to be-
lieve that the message of the king of
England was mere irony, if such a
farce were not unworthy the majesty
of a government.
If one considers

the influence of factions in so free a
country, one might suppose that the
king of England had only had the
weakness to yield, if weakness were
compatible with the first quality of a
king. In short, no rational motives
remain to which it can be ascribed,
except bad faith-except a sworn
enmity to the French nation-ex-
cept perfidy, and the desire of
openly breaking a solemn treaty, for
the sake of advantages which will be
maintained, and the sacrifice of
which the honour of France and
the faith of treaties forbid.

When a man reads this message, he thinks himself transported to the times of those treaties which the Vandals made with the degenerate Romans, when force usurped the place of right, and when, with a hasty appeal to arms, they insulted the antagonist they meant to attack. In the present state of civilization, there is a respect which a great monarch, which a polished people owe to themselves, were that respect no more than to seek a plausible pretext for an unjust war. But in this instance every thing is precipitate, and repugnant to decency and to justice. An eternal war would succeed a dreadful contest; and the more unjust the attack, the more irreconcileable would be its animosity.

cite the disapprobation of Europe. While even the English, whose national pride had not entirely blinded them, sighed at this prospect, did the TIMES call the peace of Amiens an armistice, and, in doing so, passed the severest satire on the government it defended; and the rapid fall of the national funds is the first prelude to the misfortunes which may follow as the revenge due for the wound given to all social rights.

The French are less intimidated than irritated by the threats of England. They have neither been dispirited by their reverses, nor elated by their victories; in a war to which there appeared no termination, they saw all Europe confederated against them. Their constancy, their courage, and the prompt activity of their government, brought it to a conclusion. This war would have a different object. France would contend for the liberty of the states of Europe, and the sacredness of their treaties; and if the English government be determined to make it a national war, perhaps her boasted formidable naval strength would not be sufficient to decide the result, and to secure the victory.

The French, strong in the justice of their cause, and in the confidence they repose in their government, do not dread the new expences and new sacrifices which such a war might render necessary. Their system of finance is more simple and less artificial than that of London, and so much the more solid. It all lies in their soil and in their courage.

On the first news of the English message, all eyes were turned to the cabinet of the Thuilleries. Its most trifling motions received a character

Such a novelty will doubtless ex- of importance, its most unpremedi

tated

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