should see, and the right hon. gentleman would see also, that there were still left spirit and resources enough in British hearts, not only to defend the existence of the country, but to avenge the slightest alt to its honor.

Mr.Windham denied, that he had ever used the language imputed to

Mr. Canning supported the address; but considered that ministers a. stadiously wrapped up in mystry and reserve, that knowledge which they ought to have commumcted to parliament.

The chancellor of the exchequer Esdained the reserve imputed to him, and said he should never withold from parliament any thing, which the interests of the country required it should be informed

et.

Mr. Grenville defended Mr. Windham, from the perverted coment, which had been made upon speech this evening. He supported the address, but, at the same time, thought the effect of it was much weakened, by its not aching the political opinions of member of that house, or pledgthem to any specific measure. The attorney general, defended the line of conduct, which his maty's ministers had taken, from obiections which had been made in the course of the debate.

Dr. Lawrence expressed himself endly to peace, but if, upon due formation, war was necessary, he hold cheerfully yote the supplies, for conducting it with energy.

The address was then unanizaously voted.

On the next day (the 10th) a essage was delivered by the chanellor of the exchequer, expressing

his majesty's desire of embodying and calling out the militia of the united kingdom.

On the 11th of March, the house formed itself into a committee of supply.

Mr.Garthshore moved for 10,000 additional seamen, including 3400 marines.

Mr. Francis said, he should have made no objection, if the naval force proposed had been much larger; the house had, by their address, performed their duty to his majesty; but it will pause, before in pledging themselves to support his majesty, they should allow ministers to construe that pledge, as one of supporting their measures. Personally, he was neither an ene my nor a competitor to his majesty's ministers; he bore a great regard for many of them, and ill will to none; but still, he thought they were highly responsible for their conduct. By the treaty of Amiens, we had paid a high price for peace; and yet, in point of fact, we never had obtained it; instead of peace, we obtained a hollow truce; a short cessation of arms; and the consequence was, war renewed at greater expence and disadvantage, than if the peace had never been made. He therefore considered it, neither safe, nor politic, to trust the management of a war, to the hands of those, who shewed so little ability in making the peace. It was a melancholy consideration, that at such a time as the present, all the eminent abilities of the country, were excluded from its councils and government. In fair weather, a moderate share of skill might be sufficient; but for the storm, other pilots should be provided.

Mr. Addington, was at a loss to

conceive,

conceive, how the honorable gentleman who spoke last, could now accuse, for weakness and incapacity, an administration which he had declared, had always enjoyed his confidence; although, in the same breath, he declared it to be his opinion, that all the ability of the country was excluded from it. He, and all his majesty's ministers, felt the great responsibility under which they acted. They had been uniformly consistent in the principles, which had induced them to advise his majesty to conclude the peace; they sincerely wished its continuance; but should, unhappily, the war be renewed, he was convinced, that even then, they should be able to prove their consistency, and justify themselves to the country.

Mr. Dent considered, that the number of seamen, now proposed, was insufficient; especially as we had, by the peace, restored so many thousand scamen to France. He concluded, by moving, as an amendment, that "instead of ten, there should be twenty-five thousand seamen and marines, now voted."

Mr. Fox said, he was as ready as any other member in the house, to vote for the proposed addition of seamen, if they were necessary for the public service; but with so little information as the house now possessed, he could not pretend to give an opinion, whether it were 10,000, according to the original motion; or 25,000 according to the amendment; or whether it were not still a greater number that were wanting, for the public service? He for one denied, that the sovereign has in theory the uncontrolled

right, of making war as well as peace; but in practice and in substance, this house possessed the privilege, by which alone, such declaration could be carried into effect; and therefore, although it was only this privilege of the purse, that the house was possessed of, yet that was sufficient to prevent any wars being entered into, which parliament disapproved of. Not to speak of the effect that the voice of parliament had on the American war, the parliament of Charles the second did compel that sovereign, to relinquish the Dutch war. As armaments must necessarily precede the declaration of war, he feared the effect of granting supplies for those armaments, would be to make the house a party to wars, that it might hereafter disapprove of. Perhaps, when ministers had plunged the country into a war, the house might be of opinion, that negociation would have been better, or that more vigorous measures should have been taken; he therefore could never consent, that that house should become the mere echo, of whatever communication, ministers might please to send down, in the shape of a royal message. He was not content to rely merely upon the good intention of ministers; h wished the house to be enabled to judge, whether their conduct wa right or wrong. He still approved of the treaty of Amiens, and prin cipally, because it freed us from those detestable and abominabl principles, upon which the late wa was conducted. He hoped tha we should never hear again, of war begun for the pretence of the pro tection of religion and social order He trusted, that such hypocrisy wa

f

Lord Hawkesbury agreed in the general principles laid down by Mr. Fox; he only differed in the application of them. When a negociation is terminated, he thought it right to give ample information; but, while it was pending, it was better to keep silence, than state matters which might produce irritting discussions, that must impede the negociation itself. On the commencement of a war, it was t to state the causes of it; but perhaps, when things were settled ebly, it was better not to stir again those passions which had ardly subsided. Ministers consided 60,000 seamen a force adequate to the circumstances of the

times; and, at the same time necessary, considering the armaments of the enemy.

Mr. Elliot thought the resolution offered to the committee unprecedented, not being sanctioned by sufficient information.

Mr. Canning repeated the observations he had made on a former evening, on the necessity of ministers (if they intended to deal fairly by parliament) giving every information to the house, at the time those negociations were ended, whether they should end in peace or in war: should they end in peace, the house ought to know why those large supplies had been called for. The armament itself, if unnecessary, was extremely imprudent; unnecessary armaments might lead to war. He should vote, however, for the force proposed, in the hope, that ministers would use it for the purpose of obtaining a complete, honorable, and durable peace, and not for restoring it to that feverish unwholesome repose, from which they had roused it. There was no time, at present, to consider in whose hands, the administration of the country might most safely be trusted; and ministers must, at present, act under the highest responsibility.

Sir W. Pulteney, thought ministers acted prudently in fitting out such an armament, as the present situation of affairs seemed to require. He did not think it right, while negotiations were pending, to lay before the house such information, as might only serve to put the people into bad temper. He thought the supply now demanded, was necessary, from those circumstances which are evident to all the world; but if any more were demanded,

then

then the house might pause, and ask for farther information.

Mr. Trench, considered himself pledged to no specific measure, by voting for this supply, which was wanting merely for precaution.

After some explanations from the different gentlemen, who had taken a part in the debate, the resolution was voted without farther opposition. It is not, here, our intention, to enter at large into the causes which led'administration, to the measures of vigour and resolution, which appeared in the king's message, and in the subsequent increase of the military establishments of the empire that subject more appropriately belongs to another part of the work, and shall form the subject of our most particular consideration, in which the conduct of France, and the relative situation of both countries, from the period of the peace of Amiens, to that of the renewal of hostilities, shall be amply detailed a few remarks, however, on the effect which the debates resulting therefrom, and which have been the subject of the present chapter, produced on the state of political party, and public opinion, may not be unuseful nor irrelevant. It was the singular fate of Mr. Addington's motion, of an address of thanks to his majesty, for his message urging the necessity of warlike preparation, in common with that of every great national measure, he had brought forward since the commencement of the session; to meet with no opposition whatever from the great leading interests in parliament; though the grounds of their acquiescence were widely different, and of a nature,

which could afford him slender cause of satisfaction.

We have already seen* that the late minister, and those who were personally attached to him, had ceased to continue that warm support in parliament, which Mr. Addington had experienced from them at the commencement of his administration. On the present occasion Mr. Pitt again stood aloof, and in the debates of the ninth and eleventh of March, that person whom we have already described as his most confidential friend,† in giving his support to ministers, qualified it by many expressions of distrust in the abilities of administration; and of dissatisfaction at the ignorance, in which the house and the country were kept, on these important occasions. From these indications-sufficiently obvious indeed— conclusions were drawn, both within and without the walls of parliament, not very favourable to the opinion, of the continuation of the friendship and good correspondence between the late leader of his majesty's councils, and the present From the "old opposition" as was the party designated, of whom Mr. Fox was the acknowledged lea der, the support to administration was given in terms, even more equivocal; a desire not to disturb the unanimity of the legislature, on thi trying occasion, was the sole prin ciple on which he and his friend grounded their acquiescence; and repeated deprecations of a renewa of the war, sufficiently manifested the only terms, on which the presen government could hope for their as sistance; and it is still farther t be remarked, that one gentleman