should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immova it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of dium of your political safety and prosperity; watch tion with jealous anxiety; discountenancing wha even a suspicion that it can in any event be aban nantly frowning upon the first dawning of every a any portion of our country from the rest, or to e ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of symp Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country a right to concentrate your affections. The na which belongs to you, in your national capacity, the just pride of patriotism more than any appell local discriminations. With slight shades of dif the same religion, manners, habits, and political have in a common cause fought and triumphed t pendence and liberty you possess are the work of joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and

But these considerations, however powerfully t selves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighe apply more immediately to your interest. Here our country finds the most commanding motives f ing and preserving the Union of the whole.

The North, in an unrestrained intercourse wit tected by the equal laws of a common governmen ductions of the latter great additional sources commercial enterprise and precious materials of dustry. The South, in the same intercourse, agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow expand. Turning partly into its own channels

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East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, progressive improvement of interior communications, by water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the co which it brings from abroad or manufactures at home. derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth an and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it mus sity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets f productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritin of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indisso munity of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by West can hold this essential advantage, whether derive own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

While, then, every part of our country thus feels an and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined ca find in the united mass of means and efforts greater stren resource, proportionably greater security from external less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nat what is of inestimable value, they must derive from Union tion from those broils and wars between themselves w quently afflict neighboring countries not tied together b government; which their own rivalships alone would b to produce; but which opposite foreign alliances, attach intrigues would stimulate and embitter. Hence, likewis avoid the necessity of those overgrown military est which, under any form of government, are inauspicious and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to liberty. In this sense it is that your Union ought to be c a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the o endear to you the preservation of the other.

These considerations speak a persuasive language flecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is there a doub common government can embrace so large a sphere? Le solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case w We are authorized to hope that a proper organization o

tions Northern and Southern, Atlantic and W designing men may endeavor to excite a belief tha difference of local interests and views. One of t party to acquire influence, within particular district sent the opinions and aims of other districts. Y yourselves too much against the jealousies and hea spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to each other those who ought to be bound together b tion. The inhabitants of our western country ha useful lesson on this head. They have seen, in the n Executive and in the unanimous ratification by th treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfactio throughout the United States, a decisive proof how the suspicions propagated among them of a polic government and in the Atlantic states unfriendly in regard to the Mississippi. They have been witnes tion of two treaties, that with Great Britain and which secure to them everything they could desire, foreign relations, toward confirming their prosper be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of the the Union by which they were procured? Will the be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who w from their brethren and connect them with aliens?

V. To the efficiency and permanency of your ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, h tween the parts can be an adequate substitute. The experience the infractions and interruptions which

1 Reference is here made to the Jay Treaty of 1795, adjusti Great Britain, and to the Pinckney Treaty by which Spain gr of the Mississippi to our citizens.

mental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our ns is the right of the people to make and to alter their of government. But the Constitution which at any Il changed by an explicit and authentic act of the is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of d the right of the people to establish government he duty of every individual to obey the established

ctions to the execution of the laws, all combinations ns, under whatever plausible character, with the real et, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation the constituted authorities, are destructive of this -rinciple and of fatal tendency. They serve to organgive it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in ne delegated will of the nation the will of a partyout artful and enterprising minority of the community ing to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to lic administration the mirror of the ill concerted and rojects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent e plans digested by common counsels and modified by

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ombinations or associations of the above description then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the and things, to become potent engines by which cun5, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the people and to usurp for themselves the reins of govroying afterwards the very engines which have lifted st dominion.

d the preservation of your government, and the perma

test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypot opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, tha efficient management of your common interests, in a c extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Lib will find in such a government, with powers properly distri adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else thar where the government is too feeble to withstand the ente faction, to confine each member of the society within t prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

VII. I have already intimated to you the danger of par State, with particular reference to the founding of them graphical discriminations. Let me now take a more comp view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against th effects of the spirit of party, generally.

This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nat ing its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. under different shapes in all governments, more or less sti trolled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy.

The alternate domination of one faction over another, by the spirit of revenge natural to party dissension, which ent ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid e is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length t formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miser result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security a in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later