Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

to do so in detail. I rely on the efficacy of reform in tional system by which these colonies are governed, for of every abuse in their administration which defective have engendered. If a system can be devised which these countries the foundation of an efficient and pop ment, insure harmony, in place of collision, between powers of the State, and bring the influence of a vig opinion to bear on every detail of public affairs, we sufficient remedies being found for the present vices of trative system.

The preceding pages have sufficiently pointed out t those evils, to the extensive operation of which I attrib ous practical grievances and the present unsatisfactory the North American colonies.

II. It is not by weakening but strengthening the in people on its government; by confining within mu bounds than those hitherto allotted to it, and not by e interference of the imperial authorities in the detail affairs, that I believe that harmony is to be restored wh has so long prevailed; and a regularity and vigor hithe introduced into the administration of these provinces. change in the principles of government, no invention o stitutional theory, to supply the remedy which would, in completely remove the existing political disorders. It follow out consistently the principles of the British cons introduce into the government of these great colonie provisions by which alone the working of the represent can in any country be rendered harmonious and effici not now to consider the policy of establishing represe ernment in the North American colonies. That has ably done, and the experiment of depriving the pe present constitutional power is not to be thought of. their government harmoniously, in accordance with it principles, is now the business of its rulers; and I k it is possible to secure that harmony in any other administering the government on those principles whic

[blocks in formation]

nfluence of the

uch narrower extending the ls of colonial

ere dissension
erto unknown

It needs no
of a new con-
my opinion,
needs but to
titution, and
s those wise

ative system
nt. We are
ntative gov-
een irrevoc-
ple of their
To conduct
established
w not how
y than by
have been

rogatives which have not hitherto been exer must, on the other hand, submit to the nec representative institutions; and if it has to cal in unison with a representative body, it must by means of those in whom that representativ

In England this principle has been so lon putable and essential part of our constituti hardly ever been found necessary to inquire in its observance is enforced. When a ministry majority in Parliament on great questions immediately sealed; and it would appear to us for any time, to carry on a government by m petually in a minority, as it would be to pas of votes against them. The ancient const impeachment and a stoppage of the supplies, reign of William III, been brought into opera removing a ministry. They have never been fact, it has been the habit of ministers rather t rence of an absolutely hostile vote, and to only by a bare and uncertain majority. If co frequently stopped the supplies, if they have h by unjust or harsh impeachments, it was bec unpopular administration could not be effe those milder indications of a want of confide sufficed to attain the end in the mother cour

III. The means which have occasionally be onies themselves appear to me by no means ca desired end in the best way. These proposals reliance on the willingness of the imperial go in the adoption of a better system, as, if wa an harmonious adjustment of the different utterly hopeless. An elective executive cour utterly inconsistent with monarchical govern under the nominal authority of the Crown, of one of the great advantages of an heredit purpose of popular control might be combined of vesting the immediate choice of advisers i

that ne need count on no aid irom nome in any aimer assembly that should not directly involve the relations mother country and the colony. This change might b a single dispatch containing such instructions; or, if an ment were requisite, it would only be one that would re sary that the official acts of the governor should be by some public functionary. This would induce resp every act of the government, and, as a natural consequ necessitate the substitution of a system of administrat of competent heads of departments, for the present ru of an executive council. The governor, if he wished visers not possessing the confidence of the existing ass rely on the effect of an appeal to the people, and, if un might be coerced by a refusal of supplies, or his advis terrified by the prospect of impeachment. But the reason for apprehending that either party would enter when each would find its interest in the maintenance and the abuse of the powers which each would constit sess would cease when the struggle for larger power necessary. Nor can I conceive that it would be found difficult to conduct a colonial government with precis tation of the respective powers which has been so long maintained in Great Britain.

IV. I know that it has been urged that the princip productive of harmony and good government in the m are by no means applicable to a colonial dependenc that it is necessary that the administration of a colo carried on by persons nominated without any reference of its people; that they have to carry into effect the that people, but of the authorities at home; and that a should name all its own administrative functionaries, v cease to be dependent. I admit that the system wh would, in fact, place the internal government of the hands of the colonists themselves; and that we should them the execution of the laws, of which we have long making solely to them. Perfectly aware of the value o possessions, and strongly impressed with the necessity

erence with the Ons between the be effected by any legal enact

render it necese countersigned esponsibility for quence, it would

ation, by means

rude machinery ed to retain ad

ssembly, might unsuccessful, he visers might be here can be no er on a contest, ce of harmony; itutionally posers became und impossible or cisely that liming and so easily

iples which are nother country cy. It is said ony should be e to the wishes policy, not of a colony which would, in fact, ich I propose colony in the thus leave to intrusted the f our colonial

of maintain

The matters which so concern us are very few the form of government, the regulation of f trade with the mother country, the other Briti nations, and the disposal of the public lands, which the mother country requires a control sufficiently secured by the authority of the in the protection which the colony derives fro enemies; by the beneficial terms which our la and by its share of the reciprocal benefits whi by a wise system of colonization. A perfect part of the colony, on these points, is secured by it finds in the continuance of its connection wi tainly is not strengthened, but greatly weal interference on the part of the home governme of laws for regulating the internal concerns of selection of the persons intrusted with their exe may not always know what laws are best for t countrymen are the fittest for conducting their they have a greater interest in coming to a rig points, and will take greater pains to do so, tha is very remotely and slightly affected by the g of these portions of the empire. If the cold and select improper persons to conduct their a ally be the only, always the greatest, sufferers of other countries, they must bear the ills whic selves until they choose to apply the remedy. be the duty or the interest of Great Britain to military possession of these colonies, in orde secretary of state may be able to confer colo one rather than another set of persons in the really the only question at issue.1

V. But while I convince myself that such

1 Lord Durham then went on to urge that the Canad British, and that the numerical superiority of the Frend be overcome by a legislative union of Upper Canada and L give an English-speaking majority.

British provinces in North America; and whether the a which I anticipate for two of them, might not, and shou justice be extended over all. Such an union would at once settle the question of races; it would enable all the provi operate for all common purposes; and, above all, it wou great and powerful people, possessing the means of securing responsible government for itself, and which, under the of the British Empire, might in some measure counterba preponderant and increasing influence of the United Sta American continent. I do not anticipate that a colonial thus strong and thus self-governing would desire to ab connection with Great Britain. On the contrary, I believ practical relief from undue interference, which would be of such a change, would strengthen the present bond of f interests; and that the connection would only become able and advantageous by having more of equality, of fre of local independence. But, at any rate, our first duty i the well-being of our colonial countrymen; and if in the crees of that wisdom by which this world is ruled it is w these countries are not forever to remain portions of the owe it to our honor to take good care that, when they sep us, they should not be the only countries on the America in which the Anglo-Saxon race shall be found unfit to gov

VI. I am, in truth, so far from believing that the incre and weight that would be given to these colonies by u endanger their connection with the empire, that I look only means of fostering such a national feeling througho would effectually counterbalance whatever tendencies ma toward separation. No large community of free and inte will long feel contented with a political system which p because it places their country, in a position of inferior neighbors. The colonist of Great Britain is linked, it is mighty empire; and the glories of its history, the visible present power, and the civilization of its people are ca raise and gratify his national pride. But he feels, also, t to that empire is one of remote dependence; he catches and inadequate glimpses of its power and prosperity; he

« AnteriorContinuar »