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at he is reminded of the empire with which he is conne ut the influence of the United States surrounds him on e de, and is forever present. It extends itself as population ents and intercourse increases: it penetrates exery portion of ntinent into which the restless spirit of American specula pels the settler or the trader; it is felt in all the transaction mmerce, from the important operations of the monetary sy wn to the minor details of ordinary traffic; it stamps on all bits and opinions of the surrounding countries the common teristics of the thoughts, feelings, and customs of the Amer ople. Such is necessarily the influence which a great nation es on the small communities which surround it. Its thou 1 manners subjugate them, even when nominally independe authority. If we wish to prevent the extension of this influ can only be done by raising up for the North American col e nationality of his own; by elevating these small and u tant communities into a society having some objects of a nat portance; and by thus giving their inhabitants a country w y will be unwilling to see absorbed even into one more powe VII. While I believe that the establishment of a comprehe cem of government, and of an effectual union between the diffe vinces, would produce this important effect on the general = of their inhabitants, I am inclined to attach very great im ce to the influence which it would have in giving greater scope sfaction to the legitimate ambition of the most active and pr persons to be found in them. As long as personal ambiti rent in human nature, and as long as the morality of every civilized community encourages its aspirations, it is one ness of a wise government to provide for its legitimate dev t. If, as it is commonly asserted, the disorders of these col

their government. By creating high prizes in a general an ble government, we shall immediately afford the means of the turbulent ambitions, and of employing in worthy occupations, the talents which now are only exerted to f order. We must remove from these colonies the cause to sagacity of Adam Smith traced the alienation of the provi now form the United States: we must provide some scop he calls "the importance" of the leading men in the colo what he forcibly terms the present "petty prizes of the p of colonial faction." A general legislative union would e gratify the hopes of able and aspiring men. They would look with envy and wonder at the great arena of the border tion, but see the means of satisfying every legitimate a the high offices of the judicature and executive governme own union.

'February Revolution" on the Continent. Translation t have since been made into many languages. As E declared in 1888, it is "undoubtedly the most widespread nost international production of all socialistic literature ommon platform acknowledged by millions of working rom Siberia to California." The work consists of three ions, of which the first, or historical section, on the bourge nd the proletariat, is here reproduced in its entirety.

COMMUNIST MANIFESTO, 1848

I. The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of ruggles.

Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, aster 2 and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, s constant opposition to one another, carried on an uninterru ow hidden, now open fight, a fight that each time ended either volutionary reconstitution of society at large or in the com in of the contending classes.

In the earlier epochs of history we find almost everywhere a cated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold tion of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, kni beians, slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, sters, journeymen, apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these cla in, subordinate gradations.

1 Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, Manifesto of the Communist Party, pp. horized English translation, edited by Friedrich Engels. Chicago,

rles H. Kerr and Company.

2 Guild master, that is, a full member of a guild.

of struggle in place of the old ones.

Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, ho distinctive feature; it has simplified the class antagonism as a whole is more and more splitting up into two great hos into the two great classes directly facing each other: bour proletariat.

From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartere of the earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elem bourgeoisie were developed.

The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, fresh ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East Indian a markets, the colonization of America, trade with the c increase in the means of exchange and in commodities gen to commerce, to navigation, to industry, an impulse n known, and thereby, to the revolutionary element in th feudal society, a rapid development.

The feudal system of industry, under which industrial was monopolized by close guilds, now no longer sufficed fo ing wants of the new markets. The manufacturing syst place. The guild masters were pushed on one side by the n ing middle class; division of labor between the differen guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in each single

Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the deman ing. Even manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon machinery revolutionized industrial production. The manufacture was taken by the giant, modern industry, t the industrial middle class, by industrial millionaires, of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeoisie.

Modern industry has established the world market the discovery of America paved the way. This market an immense development to commerce, to navigation, to cation by land. This development has, in its turn, read extension of industry; and in proportion as industry, navigation, railways extended, in the same proportion the developed, increased its capital, and pushed into the every class handed down from the Middle Ages.

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panied by a corresponding political advance pressed class under the sway of the feudal nobil governing association in the medieval commu urban republic (as in Italy and Germany), there of the monarchy (as in France), afterwards, in 1 ture proper, serving either the semi-feudal or t as the counterpoise against the nobility, and, i the great monarchies in general, the bourgeo the establishment of modern industry and of t quered for itself in the modern representative cal sway. The executive of the modern state i managing the common affairs of the whole bou III. The bourgeoisie, historically, has pla tionary part.

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The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the up end to all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. asunder the motley feudal ties that bound superiors," and has left remaining no other ne man than naked self-interest, than callous has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of relig rous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, egotistical calculation. It has resolved persona value, and in place of the numberless indefeasibl has set up that single, unconscionable freedo one word, for exploitation veiled by religious a it has substituted naked, shameless, direct, b

The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo ever honored and looked up to with reverent awe. physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the its paid wage earners.

The bourgeoisie has torn away from the fa veil, and has reduced the family relation to a

IV. The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it c brutal display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which admire, found its fitting complement in the mo

1 "Commune" was the name taken, in France, by the the townsmen had secured local self-government as the T

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