of contraband of war;

III. Neutral goods, with the exception of contraba are not liable to capture under the enemy's flag;

IV. Blockades, in order to be binding, must be effect to say, maintained by a force sufficient really to prever the coast of the enemy.

The governments of the undersigned plenipotentiarie bring the present declaration to the knowledge of the s have not taken part in the Congress of Paris, and to to accede to it.

Convinced that the maxims which they now proc but be received with gratitude by the whole world, the plenipotentiaries doubt not that the efforts of their gov obtain the general adoption thereof will be crowned with

The present declaration is not, and shall not be bin between those powers who have acceded, or shall acced Done at Paris, the 16th of April, 1856.

26.

INAUGURAL AL

.

AFTER the election of Abraham Lincoln states seceded from the Union and organiz Confederacy. Other states stood on the ve These circumstances made the inaugural ad president a momentous document. It an alterable purpose to preserve, protect, and de ment. Lincoln's arguments to show that t petual, that it is older than the Constitutio state upon its own mere motion can lawfull Union" deserve special attention from the stu federalism.

LINCOLN'S FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRE

Fellow Citizens of the United Sta

I. In compliance with a custom as old as the I appear before you to address you briefly, and to ence the oath prescribed by the Constitution of to be taken by the President "before he enters on office."

I do not consider it necessary, at present, for matters of administration about which there is no excitement.

II. Apprehension seems to exist among the peo states that, by the accession of a Republican ad property and their peace and personal security are There has never been any reasonable cause for s Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary existed and been open to their inspection. It is the published speeches of him who now address quote from one of those speeches, when I declar purpose, directly or indirectly, to interfere with

1 J. D. Richardson, A Compilation of the Messages and P 1789-1797, vol. vi, pp. 5-12. Washington, 1896–1899.

and many sпша And, more than this, they placed in the platform for my a and as a law to themselves and to me, the clear and emph tion which I now read:

acciatations. апи паи Пете recal

"Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rig states, and especially the right of each state to order a its own domestic institutions according to its own judgr sively, is essential to that balance of power on which the and endurance of our political fabric depend; and we de lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state o no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of

I now reiterate these sentiments; and in doing so I upon the public attention the most conclusive evidence o case is susceptible that the property, peace, and security tion are to be in anywise endangered by the now incomi tration. I add, too, that all the protection which, consis the Constitution and the laws, can be given will be chee to all the states when lawfully demanded, for whatev as cheerfully to one section as to another.

III. There is much controversy about the delivering tives from service or labor. The clause I now read is as pla in the Constitution as any other of its provisions:

"No person held to service or labor in one state, und thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of regulation therein, be discharged from such service or shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom suc labor may be due." 1

It is scarcely questioned that this provision was i those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call fug and the intention of the lawgiver is the law. All memb gress swear their support to the whole Constitution vision as much as to any other. To the proposition, then whose cases come within the terms of this clause "shall up," their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would ma in good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unan and pass a law by means of which to keep good that unan 1 Article iv, Section 2.

uced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a sla nd might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for forcement of that clause in the Constitution which guaran at "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges munities of citizens in the several states?"

I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations th no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hy tical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify partic ts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to conf and abide by all these acts which stand unrepealed, than to e any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them hel unconstitutional.

IV. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration esident under our National Constitution. During that period fif erent and distinguished citizens have in succession administ executive branch of the government. They have conducte ough many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task brief constitutional term of four years, under great and pec culties. A disruption of the federal Union, heretofore aced, is now formidably attempted.

I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Cons the Union of these states is perpetual. Perpetuity is imp ot expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governm safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provisio organic law for its own termination. Continue to execut express provisions of our national Constitution, and the U endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by s on not provided for in the instrument itself.

gain, if the United States be not a government proper, bu

states expressly plighted and engaged that it should by the Articles of Confederation in 1778. And 7, one of the declared objects for ordaining and estabnstitution was "to form a more perfect Union." But of the Union by one or by a part only of the states be ɔle, the Union is less perfect than before the Constituost the vital element of perpetuity.

from these views that no state, upon its own mere awfully get out of the Union; that resolves and ordieffect are legally void; and that acts of violence within states, against the authority of the United States, are y or revolutionary, according to circumstances. e consider that, in view of the Constitution and the on is unbroken, and, to the extent of my ability, I shall the Constitution itself expressly enjoins upon me, that the Union be faithfully executed in all the states. leem to be only a simple duty on my part, and I shall

far as practicable, unless my rightful masters, the ple, shall withhold the requisite means, or in some manner direct the contrary. I trust this will not be menace, but only as the declared purpose of the Union nstitutionally defend and maintain itself. his there needs be no bloodshed or violence, and there unless it is forced upon the national authority. The ed to me will be used to hold, occupy, and possess and places belonging to the government, and to collect I imposts; but beyond what may be necessary for these will be no invasion, no using of force against or among ywhere. Where hostility to the United States in any ty shall be so great and universal as to prevent