calm thought and reflection. The course here indicated wil llowed, unless current events and experience shall show a modi on or change to be proper; and in every case and exigency st discretion will be exercised, according to circumstances actu isting, and with a view and a hope of a peaceful solution of tional troubles and the restoration of fraternal sympathies ections.

V. That there are persons, in one section or another, who see stroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext to d vill neither affirm or deny. But if there be such, I need addres rd to them. To those, however, who really love the Union, ot speak?

Will

Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of ional fabric, with all its benefits, its memories, and its ho uld it not be wise to ascertain precisely why we do it? Will ard so desperate a step, while there is any possibility that tion of the ills you fly from have no real existence? le the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones from, will you risk the commission of so fearful a mistake? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional ri be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly wri he Constitution, has been denied? I think not. Happily an mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the auda oing this. Think, if you can, of a single instance in whi nly written provision of the Constitution has ever been den y the mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a mi of any clearly written constitutional right, it might, in a m t of view, justify revolution; certainly would if such right al one. But such is not our case. All the vital rights of min and of individuals are so plainly assured to them by affirmat negations, guarantees and prohibitions in the Constitution

anticipate, nor any document of reasonable length contai provisions for all possible questions. Shall fugitives from surrendered by national or by state authority? The Co does not expressly say. May Congress prohibit slavery in tories? The Constitution does not expressly say. Must protect slavery in the territories? The Constitution does not

say.

From questions of this class spring all our constitut troversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or t ment must cease. There is no alternative, for continuing t ment is acquiescence on one side or the other. If a minori case will secede rather than acquiesce, they make a preced in turn, will divide and ruin them, for a minority of thei secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be con such a minority. For instance, why may not any portion Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again as portions of the present Union now claim to secede from it cherish disunion sentiments are now being educated to temper of doing this.

Is there such perfect identity of interests among the compose a new Union as to produce harmony only, ar renewed secession? Plainly, the central idea of secession is of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutio and limitations, and always changing easily with delibera of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sov free people. Whoever rejects it, does, of necessity, fly to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a min permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that the majority principle, anarchy or despotism, in some f that is left.

I do not forget the position assumed by some that co questions are to be decided by the Supreme Court; nor that such decisions must be binding in any case upon the a suit as to the object of that suit, while they are also very high respect and consideration in all parallel cases departments of the government. And while it is obvious

their own masters, having to that extent practically resigned vernment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is this view any assault upon the court or the judges. It is a m which they may not shrink, to decide cases properly br ore them; and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn -isions to political purposes.

One section of our country believes slavery is right and oug extended, while the other believes it is wrong and ought n extended. This is the only substantial dispute. The fugitiveuse of the Constitution and the law for the suppression o eign slave trade are each as well enforced, perhaps, as any lav r be in a community where the moral sense of the people in ly supports the law itself. The great body of the people the dry legal obligation in both cases, and a few break ov h. This, I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be both cases after the separation of the sections than before. ign slave trade, now imperfectly suppressed, would be ultim Ived without restriction in one section; while fugitive sl only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at a other.

Physically speaking, we cannot separate. We cannot remov ective sections from each other nor build an impassible wal en them. A husband and wife may be divorced and go o presence and beyond the reach of each other, but the diffe s of our country cannot do this. They cannot but remain ace; and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must cont veen them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse antageous or more satisfactory after separation than be aliens make treaties easier than friends can make laws? ties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws ng friends? Suppose you go to war, you cannot fight alw

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inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the existi ment, they can exercise their constitutional right of amen their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. I ignorant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic ci desirous of having the national Constitution amended. make no recommendation of amendments, I fully recognize ful authority of the people over the whole subject, to be ex either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and under existing circumstances, favor rather than oppose a f tunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will add that to me the convention mode seems preferable, allows amendments to originate with the people themselv of only permitting them to take or reject propositions ori others, not especially chosen for the purpose, and which be precisely such as they would wish either to accept or understand that a proposed amendment to the Cons which amendment, however, I have not seen has passed to the effect that the federal government shall never interfe domestic institutions of the states, including that of perso service. To avoid misconstruction of what I have said, I d my purpose not to speak of particular amendments so far that, holding such a provision to now be implied constitu I have no objection to its being made express and irrev

VII. The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the te separation of the states. The people themselves can do if they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing t it. His duty is to administer the present government as his hands, and to transmit it unimpaired by him to his s

Why should there not be a patient confidence in th justice of the people? Is there any better or equal hope in In our present differences is either party without faith the right? If the almighty Ruler of nations, with His ete and justice, be on your side of the North, or on yours of that truth and that justice will surely prevail by the ju this great tribunal of the American people.

re be an object to hurry any of you in hot haste to a step 1 would never take deliberately, that object will be frustrat ing time; but no good object can be frustrated by it. Su as are now dissatisfied still have the old Constitution unimp ■, on the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing und le the new administration will have no immediate power ld, to change either. If it were admitted that you wh atisfied hold the right side in the dispute, there still is no son for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christia a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this fa I are still competent to adjust, in the best way, all our p culty.

In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and n e, is the momentous issue of civil war. The government wi il you. You can have no conflict without being yourselv essors. You have no oath registered in heaven to destro rnment, while I shall have the most solemn one to "pres ect, and defend it."

am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. We be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it mus our bonds of affection. The mystic cords of memory, st rom every battle-field and patriot grave to every living hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the c e Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, b r angels of our nature.