American шterature. It is also the best short expoe spirit of American democracy. GETTYSBURG ADDRESS, 1863 e and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the hat all men are created equal. - are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that y nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to ortion of that field as a final resting-place for those e their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether roper that we should do this. - larger sense, we cannot dedicate we cannot consecannot hallow this ground. The brave men, living ho struggled here, have consecrated it far above our to add or detract. The world will little note nor long hat we say here, but it can never forget what they did or us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unx which they who fought here have thus far so nobly t is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task efore us that from these honored dead we take intion to that cause for which they gave the last full levotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead e died in vain; that this nation, under God, shall have of freedom; and that government of the people, by the ne people, shall not perish from the earth. Lincoln, Complete Works, vol. ii, p. 439. Edited by J. G. Nicolay New York, 1894. Century Company. burg, Pennsyla memorial of July. Edward on. President t in form and recognized as st short expo t forth on this dicated to the whether that annot conse men, living r above our te nor long hat they did e to the unar so nobly great task ve take ine last full these dead shall have ple, by the G. Nicolay ON August 24, 1898, the diplomatic represe the weekly reception at the court of St. Peters the circular note reproduced below. Though Muraviev, Russian Minister for Foreign Aff the aspirations for universal peace of his roya to the convocation of the First Hague Conf lowing year. PEACE CIRCULAR OF NICHOLAS II, I. The maintenance of general peace and a p the excessive armaments which weigh upon a themselves, in the existing condition of the whole toward which the endeavors of all governments s The humanitarian and magnanimous views o emperor, my august master, are in perfect accord w In the conviction that this lofty aim is in co most essential interests and the legitimate aspirat the imperial government believes that the pres be very favorable for seeking, by means of interr the most effective means of insuring to all people real and lasting peace, and above all of limiting velopment of existing armaments. II. In the course of the last twenty years the lo state of peace have become especially pronounced of civilized nations. The preservation of peace ha as the object of international policy. In its nam formed powerful alliances; and for the better they have developed their military forces to p unknown and still continue to increase them wi any sacrifice. All these efforts, nevertheless, have not yet le results of the desired pacification. 1 J. B. Scott, The Hague Conventions and Declaratio pp. xv-xvi. Second Edition. New York, 1915. Oxford Un ess and less attain the object aimed at by the governnomic crises, due in great part to the system of amassing o the point of exhaustion, and the continual danger which ccumulation of war material, are transforming the armed r days into a crushing burden which the peoples have ore difficulty in bearing. It appears evident, then, that of affairs be prolonged, it will inevitably lead to the very hich it is desired to avert, and the impending horrors of arful to every human thought. ng these increasing armaments and in seeking the means the calamities which threaten the entire world lies the y to-day resting upon all states. bued with this idea, his Majesty has been pleased to com▪ propose to all the governments which have accredited ves at the imperial court the holding of a conference to -grave problem. ference would be, by the help of God, a happy presage cury about to open. It would converge into a single ce the efforts of all the states which sincerely wish the otion of universal peace to triumph over the elements ce and discord. It would at the same time cement their y a solemn avowal of the principles of equity and law, repose the security of states and the welfare of peoples. conference could not agree to limit armaments or mil enditures, owing to the opposition of the great po icularly Germany. Nevertheless, agreements were rea ting to the pacific settlement of international disputes he regulation of warfare by land and sea. These are ized in the Final Act here reproduced. Work still ortant was accomplished by the Second Peace Confe 907, in which forty-four states, or practically all the I world, had representation. The conventions of the ng conference were revised, new ones were adopted, dicial arbitration court, commonly known as the H unal, was created. No subsequent conference has assem g to the World War, but the functions of such an or n will henceforth be assumed by the League of Nat FINAL ACT OF THE FIRST HAGUE PEACE he International Peace Conference, convoked in the be s of humanity by his Majesty the Emperor of All the Ru bled, on the invitation of the government of her Majest n of the Netherlands, in the Royal House in the Wood at e, on May 18, 1899.2 a series of meetings, between May 18 and July 29, 1899, in onstant desire of the delegates above mentioned has been to . B. Scott, The Hague Conventions and Declarations of 1899 and 1907, Second Edition. New York, 1915. Oxford University Press. Here follows the long list of delegates to the Conference, sential to that balance of power on which the perfection nce of our political fabric depend; and we denounce the sion by armed force of the soil of any state or territory, nder what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes." eiterate these sentiments; and in doing so I only press blic attention the most conclusive evidence of which the eptible that the property, peace, and security of no secbe in anywise endangered by the now incoming adminisadd, too, that all the protection which, consistently with ution and the laws, can be given will be cheerfully given states when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause y to one section as to another. ere is much controversy about the delivering up of fugiervice or labor. The clause I now read is as plainly written titution as any other of its provisions: son held to service or labor in one state, under the laws aping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but vered up on claim of the party to whom such service or be due." 1 arcely questioned that this provision was intended by ade it for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves; ention of the lawgiver is the law. All members of Contheir support to the whole Constitution — to this proich as to any other. To the proposition, then, that slaves come within the terms of this clause “shall be delivered aths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort per, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame aw by means of which to keep good that unanimous oath? 1 Article iv, Section 2. |