uced, so that a free man be not, in any case, surrendered as a sl nd might it not be well at the same time to provide by law for forcement of that clause in the Constitution which guara at "the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all privileges munities of citizens in the several states?" I take the official oath to-day with no mental reservations th no purpose to construe the Constitution or laws by any hy Etical rules; and while I do not choose now to specify parti ts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it much safer for all, both in official and private stations, to con and abide by all these acts which stand unrepealed, than to e any of them, trusting to find impunity in having them he unconstitutional. IV. It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration esident under our National Constitution. During that period fif erent and distinguished citizens have in succession administ executive branch of the government. They have conduct ough many perils, and generally with great success. Yet, this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task brief constitutional term of four years, under great and ped culties. A disruption of the federal Union, heretofore aced, is now formidably attempted. I hold that in contemplation of universal law and of the Cons the Union of these states is perpetual. Perpetuity is imp ot expressed, in the fundamental law of all national governm safe to assert that no government proper ever had a provisi organic law for its own termination. Continue to execut express provisions of our national Constitution, and the U endure forever, it being impossible to destroy it except by on not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be not a government proper, bu merated below and annexed to the present act: I. Convention for the peaceful adjustment of i differences. II. Convention regarding the laws and customs of w III. Convention for the adaptation to maritime wa principles of the Geneva Convention of August 22, 1864 IV. Three declarations: 1. To prohibit the launching of projectiles and from balloons or by other similar new methods. 2. To prohibit the use of projectiles, the only obje is the diffusion of asphyxiating or deleterious gases. 3. To prohibit the use of bullets which expanċ easily in the human body, such as bullets with a hai of which the envelope does not entirely cover the pierced with incisions. These conventions and declarations shall form so ma acts. These acts shall be dated this day, and may be s December 31, 1899, by the plenipotentiaries of the powers at the International Peace Conference at The Hague. Guided by the same sentiments, the conference h unanimously the following resolution: "The conference is of opinion that the restriction charges, which are at present a heavy burden on the w tremely desirable for the increase of the material and m of mankind." It has, besides, formulated the following wishes: 1. The conference, taking into consideration the steps taken by the Swiss federal government for the the Geneva Convention, expresses the wish that steps maj taken for the assembly of a special conference having fo the revision of that convention. This wish was voted unanimously. 2. The conference expresses the wish that the quest rights and duties of neutrals may be inserted in the pr conference in the near future. 3. The conference expresses the wish that the que naval warfare, may be referred to a subsequent conferenc sideration. 6. The conference expresses the wish that the proposal to s question of the bombardment of ports, towns, and villages al force may be referred to a subsequent conference for consi The last five wishes were voted unanimously, saving some ab S. In faith of which, the plenipotentiaries have signed the pr and have affixed their seals thereto. Done at The Hague, July 29, 1899, in one copy only, which eposited in the Ministry for Foreign Affairs, and of which co certified, shall be delivered to all the powers represented a erence. THE theme of President Roosevelt's brief inaugura delivered at Washington, March 4, 1905, was Am sponsibilities as a free, self-governing nation. ROOSEVELT'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, 1905 I. No people on earth have more cause to be thankful and this is said reverently, in no spirit of boastfulness strength, but with gratitude to the Giver of Good, who us with the conditions which have enabled us to achieve measure of well-being and of happiness. To us as a pe been granted to lay the foundations of our national life in tinent. We are the heirs of the ages, and yet we have few of the penalties which in old countries are exacted b hand of a bygone civilization. We have not been obliged our existence against any alien race; and yet our life ha the vigor and effort without which the manlier and hard wither away. Under such conditions it would be our of we failed; and the success which we have had in the past, which we confidently believe the future will bring, shoul us no feeling of vainglory, but rather a deep and abiding re all which life has offered us; a full acknowledgment of th bility which is ours; and a fixed determination to show th free government a mighty people can thrive best, alike the things of the body and the things of the soul. II. Much has been given to us, and much will rightf pected from us. We have duties to others and duties to and we can shirk neither. We have become a great nat by the fact of its greatness into relations with the other the earth; and we must behave as beseems a people with suc bilities. Toward all other nations, large and small, our att be one of cordial and sincere friendship. We must show, our words, but in our deeds, that we are earnestly desirous 1 Congressional Record, vol. xl, part i, pp. 2-3. Washington, single us out as a subject for insolent aggression. III. Our relations with the other powers of the world are in t; but still more important are our relations among our ch growth in wealth, in population, and in power as this nati en during the century and a quarter of its national life is inev companied by a like growth in the problems which are ever ery nation that rises to greatness. Power invariably mean ponsibility and danger. Our forefathers faced certain perils have outgrown. We now face other perils, the very existe ich it was impossible that they should foresee. Modern life plex and intense, and the tremendous changes wrought raordinary industrial development of the last half-centu in every fiber of our social and political being. Never e men tried so vast and formidable an experiment as t ministering the affairs of a continent under the form of a dem ublic. The conditions which have told for our marvelous m -being, which have developed to a very high degree our e reliance, and individual initiative, have also brought th anxiety inseparable from the accumulation of great wea ustrial centers. Upon the success of our experiment much de only as regards our own welfare, but as regards the wel kind. If we fail, the cause of free self-government thro world will rock to its foundations; and therefore our res y is heavy, to ourselves, to the world as it is to-day, and rations yet unborn. There is no good reason why we the future, but there is every reason why we should face 7, neither hiding from ourselves the gravity of the pr e us nor fearing to approach these problems with the unbe nching purpose to solve them aright. V. Yet, after all, though the problems are new, though the efore us differ from the tasks set before our fathers who fo |