Scarcely had he agreed to these stipulations than he broke them. Every one is acquainted with the violent manner in which sir George Rumbold was seized; every one knows that the Hanse towns were laid under contribution, under the appellation of loans, not by any means for their interest, but exactly in the same manner as if France had been at war with them. For the first of these injuries, his majesty contented himself with accepting an inadequate satisfaction. Of the second, he took no cognizance, being prevented by the apprehensions and representations on the part of the Hanse towns. His majesty, on his part, did not scruple to make any sacrifice, as the preservation of peace was the dearest wish of his heart.

The patience and sufferance of every other court were exhausted sooner than that of his majesty.-War again broke out on the continent the situation of the king, with respect to his duty, was more difficult than ever. In order to prevent France from augmenting her troops in Hanover, he had promised to suffer no attack to be made on that territory. The Russians and the Swedes were preparing for an attack upon the French. From this period, the whole burthen of the contract, between between France and Prussia weighed upon the latter only, without producing to her the least advantage; and by a singular concatenation of circumstances, it seemed that Prussia, who only wished to remain impartial and neutral, could no longer pursue her former system, except to the prejudice of the allied powers. Every advantage which resulted from this situation of affairs was on the side of France; and the king was daily threatened with a

collision not less formidable to him, than decisively favourable to the plans of Napoleon.

Who could have thought that the very moment when the king had given to the French government the strongest proof of his determination, and a singular example of the faithful fulfilment of engagements into which he had once entered, should be chosen by Napo leon to do the king the most sensible injury! Who does not remember the violation of the territory of Anspach, which took place on the third of October, in the last year, notwithstanding the remonstrance of the provincial administration, and of his majesty's minister?

This contest between that moderation which pardons everything

that integrity which remains true to its engagements to the last on the one part; and the abuse of power, the insolence inspired by deceitful fortune, and the habit of only reckoning on this fortune, on the other, continued several years. The king declared to the French government that he considered all his connections with it as dissolved. He placed his armies on a footing suitable to circumstances. He was now fully convinced, that no pledge of security remained for the neighbours of France, but a peace established upon Grm principles, and guarantied by all the powers in common.

His majesty offered the allies to be the mediator in negotiations for such a peace, and to support them with all his force. It is suf ficient to know the conditions then proposed, to be convinced of the moderation which, at all times, has governed the politics of his majesty in their whole extent. Prussia at this moment listened not to the voice of revenge; she passed over (R 3)

the

the events of the late war, however viclent they might have been, since they had been sanctioned by existing treaties. She required nothing but the punctual fulfilment of those treaties; but this she required without limitation. Count Haugwitz repaired to Vienna, where the French emperor then was. Scarce ly had this minister been there a few days, when the whole face of affairs was changed; the misfor. tunes experienced by the court of Vierna had compelled it to sign an armistice, which was immediately followed by a peace. The emperor of Russia sacrificed his magnanimous views to the wish of his ally, and his troops returned home. Prussia stood now alone on the field of contest. His majesty was obliged to limit his policy by his powers; and instead, as had been his wish, of embracing the interest of all Europe, make his own security and that of his neighbours' his first object.

[The manifesto then proceeds to recite at length the conduct of Bonaparte with respect to Cleves, Wesel, Hanover, &c.]

It was no longer doubful that Napoleon had determined to overwhelm Prussia with war, or to render her for ever incapable of war, since it was evident that he was leading her from humiliation to humiliation, till she should be reduced to such a state of political degradation and feebleness, that she could have no other will than that of her formidable neighbour.

The last doubt at length disappeared-troops marched from the interior of France towards the Rhine. The intent to attack Piussia was clear and certain. The king ordered a note to be transmitted by general Knobelsdorff, containing the conditions on which he was

ready to come to an accommoda, tion. These conditions were

1. That the French troops should immediately evacuate Germany.

2. That France should oppose no obstacle to the formation of the northern confederacy; and that this confederacy might embrace all the larger and smaller states not included in the fundamental act of the confederation of the Rhine.

3. That a negotiation should immediately be commenced for the adjustment of all cbjects in dispute; a preliminary article of which should be, the restoration of three abbeys, and the separation of the town of Wesel from the French empire.

These conditions speak for themselves; they show how moderate the king has been in his de mands, even at this moment, and how much the maintenance of peace, if France wishes peace, depends upon herself.

The term peremptorily fixed by the king for the decision of peace or war has elapsed. His majesty has not received the answer of the cabinet of St. Cloud; or ra ther, the preparations made around him daily give that answer. The king can henceforth confide the safety and honour of his crown only to arms. He leads to honourable combat an army worthy its former glory. He reigns over a people of whom he may be proud; and while he is ready to shed his blood for them, he knows what he may expect from energy and affec tion: princes, the honour of the German name, have joined their banners with his; and a sovereign who honours with his virtues one of the first thrones in the world, is penetrated by the justice of his cause. His arms are blessed by the voice of his people. With so many

motives

motives to be conscious of her strength, Prussia may be permitted continually to confide in her high destiny.

DECLARATION OF THE KING OF

SWEDEN.

We, Gustavus Adolphus, by the g.ace of God, king of Sweden, the Goths and Vandals, heir of Denmark and Norway, duke of Sleswig and Holstein, &c. &c. declare and make known, that when we entered upon the government of our kingdom, the unfortunate French revolution had prevailed for some years, while the most sanguinary and unheard-of scenes which had been there perpetrated, had spread discord, insurrection, and war, over the greatest part of Europe. During the nine succeeding years, the French revolution never ceased to threaten an interruption to the general tranquillity, and to excite the attention of every country. Trusting in the fidelity of the Swedish nation, and favoured by its distance from France, we witnessed, without alarm, the furious zeal of the factions, and their tyranny over a divided state, persuading ourselves, that the experience of these great calamities, produced by dissension and oligarchy, might at length be the means of restoring order, and an equitable government, for the security of the French people and other states. This pleasing hope was not fulfilled; the government was indeed frequently changed; but the fundamental principles, so, dangerous to all Europe, still remained unaltered. They were not only retained under the consular goverament, but, in proportion as power came into the hands of the first consul, his ideas of law and

justice were diminished; every thing was now sacrificed to that ambition which usurped an authority over the rights of nations and treaties, and even over that respect which all governments wish to preserve to themselves. The blood of one of the worthy descendants of the ancient and honourable family of France was not long since shed by the hand, of violence. This shocking circumstance was not only a specimen of the ideas which the French government entertained of law and equity, but also a most disgusting picture of the system it had adopted; and, in every respect, affording a signal warning to all governments. While this encroachment furnished the great states with such a view, as enabled them to draw the most genuine conclusions respecting the irresistible power of France, the smaller states `were converted into provinces, by violence or intrigue; and the danger appeared not less general than overwhelming, as it seemed that security against these menaces was no longer to be found in any distance from the scenes of action.-The most justifiable claims, made by us upon the French government, were fruitless, in obtaining indemnities for the demands made by several of our subjects, respecting unlaw. ful captures, arbitrary freightage, and anillegal embargo-as the lawless proceedings of the French go,, vernment were carried to such a pitch, as to lay the Swedish com. merce under considerable embar." rassment in the French ports, during the space of nine months. Such proceedings could only increase the. apprehensions entertained of this dangerous conduct, and excite, as it doubtless has in every loyal Swede, a wish for the organization, of an adequate counterpoise against (R-4) a power

a power which had so rashly committed itself in its endeavours to obtain a superiority, and availed itself of every unjust means to obtain the cnd proposed. But as no state was powerful enough to escape the effects of these practices, we hoped that the general experience of these outrages would finally produce an union of efforts to remove this common nuisance, and effectually to resist that power, the object of which was, by degrees, to subjugate all others. This period has at length arrived, and the greatest powers in Europe have taken the field, to support their own dignity and independence. We have united ourselves with them in every worthy and friendly connection, and, for the purpose of sharing in all undertakings, have drawn closer the ties of amity; and we hope, with the assistance of Providence, to contribute to the restoration of the general tranquillity. With this view, we have now passed over, with a part of our army, to Pomerania, there to unite our power with the Russian forces; and further, to act with energy in such a manner as circumstances may require. In eonsequence of this laudable and weighty determination, we fully expect to be accompanied by the blessings and prayers of our faithful subjects, as it is our purpose to contend for the future independence and the honour of the Swedish

name.

And since it has been our care, that, during our absence, the administration of public affairs should be preserved, and carried on without obstruction, in its usual course, we have graciously thought proper to establish a regency, and to nominate and appoint, as members of the same, the Swedish baron" Wrangle, bailiff of the empire, president, &c.; count Charles Axel,

major-general, &c.; count Samuel Uglas, Heutenant-general, and inspector of the cavalry, &c.; baron Brock Cederstrom, president of our chancery; and commandant of the order of the northern star; baron Frederick William Ehrenheim, our chancellor of the court; and our adjutant-generals of the fleets and armies. Our gracious "will and pleasure, therefore, is, that all our loving subjects and faithful servants, of high and low degree, shall yield the same obedience and obsequiousness to the regency appointed in our royal name, as to ourself. To this end, all whom it may concern are commanded to conform themselves; and for the better security of the same, we have, with our own hand, signed this present, and verified it with our royal seal.

(L. S.) GUSTAVUS ADOLPHUS. M. ROSENBLAD.

DECLARATION OF THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA.

We, Alexander the First, by God's grace emperor and autocrat of all the Russias, declare and make known to all our faithful subjects, that, in our incessant care and solicitude for the welfare of the interior of our empire, equally with its foreign relations, it has ever been our wish to establish them upon an immoveable basis, and to defend the state by such alliances as the situation of our country may require. With this view, we have thought proper, , from the commencement of our reign, to remove every cause of misunderstanding, and, by a friendly conduct, to unite with those powers whose wise and moderate principles were consistent with their independence and the general tranquillity.

The

The Most High blessed our wishes and endeavours, and at that period bestowed upon Europe a general peace. However, it did not consist with his inscrutable providence to prolong the continuance of this order of things-war broke out again. But as our situation did not permit us to take any immediate part in the war, we never ceased to remain faithful to our allies; and to continue to wish and labour for peace and tranquillity, consistently with the common welfare, by every friendly interference in our power. But, notwithstanding this interference, the daily increase of the French power, the situation of our allies, threatened by its aggrandizement and its unbounded ambition, compelled us to take an active part in this war. We took up arms, but we did not cease to wish for peace; and we also declared, in our ukase of September 1, 1805, that the object of our arming was to preserve the sacred inviolability of treaties, and to restore the general tranquil lity. The misfortunes which attended the arms of the allies operated against the realization of our views: however, the principles upon which they were grounded remain. ed unchanged. At the commence ment of the present year, the French government manifested an inclination approximating to peace: we accordingly issued orders, to enter into discussions with them immedi. ately. The restoration of a peace consistent with the dignity and security of our empire, the advantage of our allies, and the general tranquillity of Europe, were laid down as the fundamental bases of these discussions. But to our regret, the conditions of peace agreed to with France by M. d'Oubril were neither consistent with the dignity of our empire, nor with the security of

our allies. We refused to ratify those conditions. But at the same time, to afford a proof of the im mutability of our principles, which, under various circumstances, had been ever directed to the same end, we at that time made known the conditions on which we were disposed to renew our negotiations with the French government. The bases proposed by us are so moderate, that they cannot be rejected without an open menace of the general safety; and they are so consistent with the advantage of every power concerned, that in case of their being accepted, a general peace must not only follow, but be confirmed to Europe upon the most permanent footing. Thus must peace, or the continuance of the war, be the consequences of these measures. We wish for peace; but if no lasting peace can be obtained, grounded upon mutual advantage, then it will be necessary, for the honour of the Russian name, the sacred character of our engagements, and the general deliverance of Europe, to proceed to extremities, which, on these considerations, cannot but appear to us as absolutely indispensable. We are convinced that each of our faithful subjects, animated with the love of their country, impelled by a sense of honour, and surrounded by examples of patriotic zeal, will speedily unite their powerful efforts with our own, as soon as the safety of Russia, the voice of glory, and our command, shall call upon them to co-operate for the public good. In this firm reliance upon the help of God, and the zeal of our faithful subjects, we have thought it necessary to apprise you before-haild of our views; and in so doing to afford you a new proof, that in all our undertakings we nei ther seek the extension of our terri

tory,