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Half of the European continent contented with the scaffold, with the hangman, with the prison, with having no political rights at all, but having to pay innumerable millions for the highly beneficial purpose of being kept in a state of serfdom? That is the condition of the continent, and is it not ridiculous and absurd in men to prate about individuals disturbing the peace and tranquillity of Europe? Ah! Gentlemen, humanity has a nobler destiny than to be the footstool to the ambition of certain families. Let the House of Austria trust to its bayonets and its Czar. The People of Hungary and myself-we trust to God! I know that the light has spread, and even bayonets think; I know that all the Czars of the world are but mean dust in the hand of God; and so I firmly hope, — nay, I am certain, I shall yet see Hungary independent and free!

7. HEROISM OF THE HUNGARIAN PEOPLE. - Kossuth, Nov. 12, 1851.

GENTLEMEN have said that it was I who inspired the Hungarian People. I cannot accept the praise. No, it was not I who inspired the Hungarian People. It was the Hungarian People who inspired me. Whatever I thought, and still think, whatever I felt, and still feel, is but the pulsation of that heart which in the breast of my People beats! The glory of battle is for the historic leaders. Theirs are the laurels of immortality. And yet, in encountering the danger, they knew that, alive or dead, their names would, on the lips of the People, forever live. How different the fortune.-how nobler, how purer, the heroism, of those children of the People, who went forth freely to meet death in their country's cause, knowing that where they fell they would lie, undistinguished and unknown, their names unhonored and unsung! Animated, nevertheless, by the love of freedom and fatherland, they went forth calmly, singing their National anthems, till, rushing upon the batteries, whose cross-fire vomited upon them death and destruction, they took them without firing a shot, those who fell falling with the shout, "Hurrah for Hungary!" And so they died by thousands - the unnamed demigods! Such is the People of Hungary. Still it is said, it is I who have inspired them. No! -a thousand times, no! It is they who have inspired me.

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8. "IN A JUST CAUSE."- Kossuth, Dec. 11, 1851.

To prove that Washington never attached to his doctrine of neutrality more than the sense of temporary policy, I refer to one of his letters, written to Lafayette, wherein he says:- "Let us only have twenty years of peace, and our country will come to such a degree of power and wealth that we will be able, in a just cause, to defy whatever power on earth."

"In a just cause!" Now, in the name of eternal truth, and by all that is sacred and dear to man, since the history of mankind is

recorded there has been no cause more just than the cause of Hungary! Never was there a People, without the slightest reason, more sacrilegiously, more treacherously, and by fouler means, attacked than Hungary! Never have crime, cursed ambition, despotism and violence, in a more wicked manner, united to crush down freedom, and the very life, than against Hungary! Never was a country more mortally outraged than Hungary. All your sufferings, all your complaints, which, with so much right, drove your forefathers to take up arms, are but slight grievances, compared with those immense, deep wounds, out of which the heart of Hungary bleeds! If the cause of my people in not sufficiently just to insure the protection of God, and the support of good-willing men, then there is no just cause, and no justice on Earth; then the blood of no new Abel will move towards Heaven; the genius of charity, Christian love and justice, will mourningly fly the Earth; a heavy curse will upon mortality fall, oppressed men despair, and only the Cains of humanity walk proudly, with impious brow, above the ruins of Liberty on Earth!

You have attained that degree of strength and consistency, when your less fortunate brethren of mankind may well claim your brotherly, protecting hand. And here I stand before you, to plead the cause of these, your less fortunate brethren the cause of humanity. I may succeed, or I may fail. But I will go on, pleading with that faith of martyrs by which mountains were moved; and I may displease you, perhaps; still I will say, with Luther, " May God help me- I can do no otherwise!" Woe, a thousand-fold woe, to humanity, should there nobody on earth be to maintain the laws of humanity! Woe to humanity, should even those who are as mighty as they are free not feel interested in the maintenance of the laws of mankind, because they are laws, but only in so far as some scanty money interests would desire it! Woe to humanity, if every despot of the world may dare to trample down the laws of humanity, and no free Nation arise to make respected these laws! People of the United States, humanity expects that your glorious Republic will prove to the world that Republics are formed on virtue. It expects to see you the guardians of the law of humanity!


9. PEACE INCONSISTENT WITH OPPRESSION. — Kossuth, December 18, 1851.

Is the present condition of Europe peace? Is the scaffold peace? -the scaffold, on which, in Lombardy, the blood of three thousand seven hundred and forty-two patriots was spilled during three short years! Is that peace? Are the prisons of Austria, filled with patriots, peace? Or is the murmur of discontent from all the Nations peace? I believe the Lord has not created the world to be in such a peaceful condition. I believe He has not created it to be the prison of humanity, or the dominion of the Austrian jailer. No! The present condition of the world is not peace! It is a condition of

oppression on the European Continent, and because there is this condition of oppression there cannot be peace; for so long as men and Nations are oppressed, and so long as men and Nations are discontented, there cannot be peace- there cannot be tranquillity. War, like a volcano, boiling everlastingly, will, at the slightest opportunity, break out again, and sweep away all the artificial props of peace, and of those interests which on peace depend. Europe is continually a great battle-field, - a great barrack. Such is its condition; and, therefore, let not those who call themselves men of peace say they will not help Europe because they love peace! Let them confess truly that they are not men of peace, but only the upholders of the oppression of Nations. With me and with my principles is peace, because I will always faithfully adhere to the principles of liberty; and only on the principles of liberty can Nations be contented, and only with the contentment of Nations can there be peace on the earth. With me and with my principles there is peace, -lasting peace, consistent peace! With the tyrants of the world there is oppression, struggles, and war!

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10. THE TWENTY-SECOND OF DECEMBER, 1620. — Sir Henry Bulwer, 1850.

THE history of that plain and simple sect, which has had so great an influence on the character of your People, stands forth as one of the loftiest among the many monuments which attest the truth of that great Christian moral, "The proud shall be abased, the humble exalted." It convinces us, if at this day we wanted to be convinced, that it is not the mere will of arbitrary Princes, nor the vain bull of arrogant Pontiffs, that can lay prostrate the independence of the human mind. All assumption only breeds resistance, as all persecution only makes martyrs. Who, indeed, at the period to which this day recalls us, were the mighty of the earth? On the throne of England then sat a prince justly proud-if pride could ever rest upon sound foundations of the triple crown which had recently become his family inheritance. In France the sceptre was held in the hands of a still haughtier race, which ruled with supreme authority over the most gallant and chivalrous People in the world. What has become of the illustrious lines of these two royal houses, of that of the sovereign who gloried in the "non-conformity bill," or that of those sovereigns amongst whose deeds are recorded the massacre of St. Bartholomew and the revocation of the edict of Nantes? The crown of the Stuarts has melted into air in the one kingdom; the sceptre of the Bourbons has been shattered into atoms in the other. But here, on this spot, where I am speaking, still stands, erect and firm, the pilgrim's staff. From the bruised seed of the poor and persecuted Puritan has arisen one of the most powerful and prosperous empires in the world. Let that which is a warning unto others be a lesson unto you.

Remember that, when your Pilgrim Fathers first started for the American shores, they trusted themselves to two vessels; the one

boasted in the proud name of Speedwell, the other had the gentle appellation of the Mayflower. Which arrived first at its destination? The vaunting Speedwell was obliged to put into port, while the modest Mayflower dashed gallantly across the ocean. You were simple and unpretending in the day of your weakness; be never vain or arrogant in the day of your strength. You were superior to your adversity; you have only to be equal to your prosperity. And, if you ever wish to know the principal cause of the proud position you have alrea ly achieved, you may look for it confidently among the trials and difficulties through which you have passed. Yes, if have made your you country, believe me, it is no less true that your country has made you.

I grieve, whilst I rejoice, to say that it is amidst the general confusion of crude experiments, terrible uncertainties, mystic dreams, and ripening convulsions, that alone and singly is to be seen towering the common Genius of Albion, and of Albion's transatlantic children. No tempest, raised in the heated atmosphere of fantastic theory, clouds her brow; no blood, spilt in civil butchery, bedaubs her garments; no poisons, corroding the principles of public and domestic morality, tear her vitals. Serene and undisturbed, she moves onward firmly. Trade and agriculture strew her way with plenty; law and religion march in her van; order and freedom follow her footsteps. And here, at this solemn moment, whilst pouring out our libations to the sacred memory of our sainted fathers- here, I invoke that Genius to bless the union of our kindred races, to keep steadfast in our hearts the pleasant recollections of the past, to blend gratefully in our minds the noble aspirations of the future, to hallow in one breath the twin altars we will raise in common to Memory and Hope! — to "Old England and • Young America!

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11. BRITISH AGGRESSIONS, 1768. Josiah Quincy, Jr. Born, 1743; died, 1775.

Ir there ever was a time, this is the hour for Americans to rouse themselves, and exert every ability. Their all is at hazard, and the die of fate spins doubtful. British taxations, suspensions of legislatures, and standing armies, are but some of the clouds which overshadow the northern world. Now is the time for this People to summon every aid, human and divine; to exhibit every moral virtue, and call forth every Christian grace. The wisdom of the serpent, the innocence of the dove, and the intrepidity of the lion, with the blessing of God, will yet save us from the jaws of destruction.

By the sweat of our brow we earn the little we possess; from nature we derive the common rights of man; and by charter we claim the liberties of Britons! Shall we- - dare we pusillanimously surrender our birthright? Is the obligation to our fathers discharged? is the debt we owe posterity paid? Answer me, thou coward, who hidest thyself in the hour of trial!—if there is no reward in this life, no prize of glory in the next, capable of animating thy dastard soul, think and tremble, thou miscreant! at the whips and stripes thy mas

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ter shall lash thee with on earth, and the flames and scorpions thy second master shall torment thee with hereafter! O, my countrymen! what will our children say, when they read the history of these times, should they find we tamely gave away, without one noble struggle, the most invaluable of earthly blessings? As they drag the galling chain, will they not execrate us? If we have any respect for things sacred, any regard to the dearest treasure on earth, if we have one tender sentiment for posterity, if we would not be despised by the whole world, let us, in the most open, solemn manner, and with determined fortitude, swear we will die, if we cannot live, freemen!

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12. ELOQUENCE AND LOGIC.-William C. Preston.

OUR popular institutions demand a talent for speaking, and create a taste for it. Liberty and eloquence are united, in all ages. Where the sovereign power is found in the public mind and the public heart, eloquence is the obvious approach to it. Power and honor, and all that can attract ardent and aspiring natures, attend it. The noblest instinct is to propagate the spirit, "to make our mind the mind of other men," and wield the sceptre in the realms of passion. In the art of speaking, as in all other arts, a just combination of those qualities necessary to the end proposed is the true rule of taste. Excess is always wrong. Too much ornament is an evil, — too little, also. The one may impede the progress of the argument, or divert attention from it, by the introduction of extraneous matter; the other may exhaust attention, or weary by monotony. Elegance is in a just medium. The safer side to err on is that of abundance, as profusion is better than poverty; as it is better to be detained by the beauties of a landscape, than by the weariness of the desert.

It is commonly, but mistakenly, supposed that the enforcing of truth is most successfully effected by a cold and formal logic; but the subtleties of dialectics, and the forms of logic, may play as fantastic tricks with truth, as the most potent magic of Fancy. The attempt to apply mathematical precision to moral truths is always a failure, and generally a dangerous one. If man, and especially masses of men, were purely intellectual, then cold reason would alone be influential to convince; but our nature is most complex, and many of the great truths which it most concerns us to know are taught us by our instincts, our sentiments, our impulses, and our passions. Even in regard to the highest and holiest of all truth, to know which concerns us here and hereafter, we are not permitted to approach its investigation in the confidence of proud and erring reason, but are taught to become as little children before we are worthy to receive it. It is to this complex nature that the speaker addresses himself, and the degree of power with which all the elements are evoked is the criterion of the orator. His business, to be sure, is to convince, but more to persuade; and most of all, to inspire with noble and generous passions. It is the

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