son, and send him to some little uninhabited island. About a fortnight ago some rifle soldiers were passing my house, in their way from Sussex to Plymouth, to join their corps, bound to America. A sergeant, who was at a little distance behind the party, stopped at my door and asked for some beer. While the beer was drawing, I observed to him, that Jonathan must take care now what he was about. "No," said the sergeant, "I do not think it will come to any head; for we learned the daybefore yesterday, that Madison had run away.

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asked him, if they had been informed whither he had run to. He replied, that he had run "out of the country." He further told me, that we were to have an army of 50,000 men for the conquest of America; and that, if they were not enough, Russia had 60,000 men ready to send to our assis. tance. From this the Americans will judge of the opinions of the people here; for I dare say, that this sergeant was no more than the mere repeater of what he heard in almost all the public houses, resorted to by politicians of the most numerous class —but the people are not to be blamed for this delusion. They had it given them, in the report of a speech of one of the lords of the admiralty, not long ago, that we were about to undertake the deposing of Mr. Madison; and who can blame them, if they believe that this deposition has taken place? My friend, the sergeant, on whom I bestowed my benediction, will, however, I am afraid, find, that this work of deposing Mr. Madison will give more trouble than he appeared to expect; my reasons for which I shall state in my next.

A GLIMPSE, &c.

Ir is a duty the people of the United States, both individually and collectively, owe their legitimate sovereign Lord and King the Great Jehovah, to remember with sentiments of unfeigned gratitude and thankfulness our recent desperate conflict and pacification with Great Britain. I at first purposed merely to compile some of the most distinguished of the American victories as an appendix to the prefixed letters of Mr. Cobbett, but I cannot let the present opportunity slip, without reminding the American population, of the paternal kindness of their father and their king in their late time of trial; that it may stimulate us all to render unto him the grateful tribute of thanksgiving for his unspeakable goodness; and those who refuse so to do, especially after reading these remarks are guilty of the basest and blackest ingratitude, than which a greater crime men cannot commit, nationally or individually. May every American heart palpitate with ardent love to our glorious King, and every eye glisten with tears of gratitude, while reading a concise recapitulation of his loving kindness to these rising states in the time of our greatest extremity. If one hundred, or even one reader is stimulated by these remarks to love and praise God for the national blessing we have received, I will consider myself sufficiently rewarded. Perhaps it would be pro

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per in this place, to point out concisely the causes as well as the consequences of the late war. The impressment of American seamen by the British naval commanders, appears to be the chief causethereof. Even president Washington remonstrated and reprobated this unlawful practice in the strongest terms.

Also, the restrictions on our commerce was a just cause of complaint.

"On the 25th of March 1807, an act of parliament passed, the object of which was to permit the United States to trade to France and her dependencies, on condition that our vessels should first enter some British port, pay a transit duty, and take out a license! A compliance with this unprecedented regulation would have subjected a single cargo of flour to the payment of more than eight thousand dollars, and an ordinary cargo of cotton to more than fifty thousand dollars. On the article of tobacco alone Great Britain would have extorted from us the annual tribute of two millions, three hundred, and thirty-eight thousand dollars. The payment of these duties on all our articles of exportation would have drawn from us a yearly sum more than sufficient to pay the interest on our national debt. Under the orders in council more American vessels and cargoes were seized and condemned than have been captured by the enemy since the declaration of war.

war.

Such, is a short, and impartial glimpse of the acts of aggression and rapacity which led to the Were we disposed to add to the colouring of the picture we might call to recollection the outrages on our territorial jurisdiction by the blockade of the mouths of our harbours and rivers, the murder of our citizens within our

own waters, the attack on the Chesapeake, the disavowal of Erskine's arrangement, the excitement of the savages to hostilities on our frontier inhabitants and the authorised mission of John Henry, for the purpose of producing civil war and a severance of the union."

The almost miraculous transactions which happened on the theatre of war in Europe soon after the declaration of war against England by the American government, might be considered big with portentous events to this country. I would ask any man who believes in the divine agency, and that a sparrow does not fall to the ground without the notice of God, if he cannot clearly see the finger of heaven raised, or if you please, the special interposition of Providence exerted in our behalf in the recent sanguinary contest.

After enduring with proverbial patience a thousand indignities, the loss of nearly one thousand sail of our ships, and impressment of thousands of our citizens, we declared war against the invader of our rights, when eight of the European nations combined with France against England. Soon after this eventful period France fails in her military enterprises. All Europe arms against her, and the coalition triumphs at the gates of Paris. France being humbled, England turns her military and maritime vengeance upon us, while we had only one arm to raise against her accumulating fury, the other nervous and powerful arm being tied down by the spirit of faction and political rancor. Thus with one hand the United States found themselves engaged with the greatest power on earth. The "bits of striped bunting" float alone against the crimson banner of the queen of the ocean. All the friends of liberty trembled for

our fate; and the only free' country on earth would have fallen a victim to the spirit of despotism, had not God been our defender. After the sub

jugation of France the arms of the United States were more victorious than they were ever before. Many and sanguinary were the conflicts on land and water in which victory crowned our just cause. In New-England the enemy gained a partial preponderance, because of the disaffection of its big men to our just cause: and in Washington, Georgetown, and Alexandria, they were permitted by a similar spirit in the little men to burn the capital. In the first instance the state-rulers would not lead on the brave Bostonians to repel and chastise the invading foe, and in the last the people would not support their rulers while repelling their enemies. I recollect about two years ago saw in Georgetown hand-bills posted up, wherein the inhabitants were notified that a meeting was appointed, also, a day of thanksgiving, rejoicing and feasting for the recent Russian victories, and of course English victories over the French.. An oration was delivered at the English church, and te deum was sung. When I saw these things I exclaimed in the language of astonishment "is it possible that toryism is thus permitted to flourish in the center of the republic." The people who thus rejoiced at the victories of our enemy, I queried if they would defend their own capital if invaded; the sequel proved that my fears were not without foundation. I had also proposed to disseminate a number of the fourth edition of my "Charms of Benevolence, and Patriotic Mentor, or the Rights and Privileges of Republicanists contrasted with the Wrongs and Usurpations of Monarchy," with this motto: