was passed, with power of sending aliens out of the country; and many other things were done, in the heat of the moment, which Mr. Adams, had he not been surrounded by the Massachusetts federalists, never would have thought of, being a republican at heart, and a real friend to the liberties of his country.

Mr. Adams's presidency ended in March, 1800. He was proposed to be re-elected; but he lost his election, and the choice fell upon Mr. Jefferson, who had always been deemed the head of the republican party. The truth is, that the people were republi-cans. Every thing had been tried; threats, alarms, religion, all sorts of schemes; but they took alarm at nothing but the attempts upon their liberty, and they hurled down the party who had made those attempts. Since that time, the government has been in the hands of the republicans. Mr. Jefferson was president for eight years, Mr. Madison for four years, and is now going on for the second four

years.

Your lordship knows, as well as any man upon earth, how fond people are of place and power; and that no part of any opposition is so bitter and troublesome as that part, which consists of men, whose ambitious hopes may have been blasted by their being turned out of place. It now happened, very naturally, but rather oddly, that the federalists became the opposition to the federal government; but they still retained, and do retain their title; though, really, they ought to be called, the aristocrats, or royalists.

This opposition is now, however, chiefly confined to the state of Massachusetts, the state government of which has even talked about separating from the union. Your lordship has heard of a Mr.

Henry, who was, it seems in close consultation and correspondence with the persons holding the reins of government in Massachusetts upon the subject of separation, and who pretended that he was employ ed by sir James Craig, governor of Canada, for that purpose. Your lordship, I believe, disclaimed him and his intrigues, and, therefore, I must believe, of course, that he was not employed by our governor. But the people of America have been led to believe, that there must have been something in his story.

This state of Massachusetts contains a great number of men of talents; many rich men, become so chiefly by the purchasing, at a very low rate, of the certificates of soldiers who served in the late war, and by procuring acts of congress to cause the sums to be paid in full, which, indeed, was thought and openly said, to be their main object in pressing for a federal government with large powers. These men, now disappointed in all their ambitious hopes; seeing no chance of becoming petty noblemen; seeing the offices and power of the country pass into other hands, without the smallest probability of their return to themselves, unless they be content to abandon all their high notions of family distinction; these men have become desperate; and if I am to judge from their proceedings, would plunge their country into a civil war, rather than yield quiet obedience to that very government, which they had been so long in the practice of censuring others for not sufficiently admiring. But, my lord, though there is a majority of voices in Massachusetts on

OUR SIDE; FOR ON OUR SIDE THEY REALLY

ARE, there is a thumping minority on the other side and what is of great importance in the estimate, that minority consists of the nerves, the bones, and sinews of the population of the state;

so that the sum total of our ground of reliance, as to a separation of the states, is the good will of the most numerous but most feeble and inefficient part of the people of the state of Massachusetts; and even these, I am fully persuaded, are, by this day, awed into silence by the determined attitude of the rest of the country.

The same charges, which our vile newspapers have been preferring against Mr. Madison, have been preferred against him by their serene highnesses of Massachusetts. They have accused him of a devotion to France; they have, in our newspaper style, called him the "tool of Napoleon," they too have dared to assert, that he made war upon us, without the slightest provocation, for the purpose of aiding Napoleon in destroying England, "the bulwark of their religion." They have held public feasts and rejoicings at the entrance of the Cossacks into France, and at the restoration of the ancient order of things. You will bear in mind, that these people are staunch Presbyterians; and it would amuse your lordship to read the orations, preachings, and prayers of these people; to witness their gratitude to Heaven for restoring the Pope, whom they used to call the scarlet whore, the whore of Babylon; for the re-establishment of the Jesuits; and for the re-opening of the dungeons, the resharpening of the hooks, and the re-kindling of the flames of the inquisition.-Their opponents, the republicans, say, we never were the friends of Napoleon, as a despot, nor even as an emperor; we never approved of any of his acts of oppression, either in France or out of France; we always complained of his acts of injustice towards ourselves; but he was less hurtful to our country than other powers; and, as to mankind in general, though we regretted

to see him with so much power, we feared that that power would be succeeded by something worse; and we cannot now rejoice, that the pope is restored, that the Jesuits are re-established, the inquisition re-invigorated; that monkery is again overspreading the face of Europe; and that the very hope of freedom there seems to be about to be extinguished for ever. And this, your lordship may be assu red, is the language of nineteen-twentieths of the people of America.

There are, it is to be observed, federalists in alt the states, which you will easily believe, when you consider how natural it is for men, or at least, how prone men are, to wish to erect themselves into superior classes. As soon as a man has got a great deal of money, he aims at something beyond that. He thirsts for distinctions and titles. His next object is to hand them down to his family. It will require great watchfulness and great resolution in the Americans to defeat this propensity. You have not leisure for it, or it would amuse you to trace the workings of this would-be nobility in America. They are very shame-faced about it; but they let it peep out through the crannies of their hypocrisy.Being defeated, and totally put to the rout in the open field by the general good sense of the people, they have resorted to the most contemptible devices for effecting, by degrees, that which they were unable to carry at a push. They have established what they call "Benevolent Societies," to which they have prefixed, by way of epithet, or characteristic, the name of Washington. The professed object of these societies, who have their periodical orations, preachings, prayings, and toastings, was to afford relief to any persons who might be in distress.-The REAL OBJECT appears to have been

to enlist idlers and needy persons under their political banners. These little coteries of hypocrites appear to have assembled, as it were, by an unanimous sentiment, or, rather by instinct, to celebrate the fall of Napoleon, and the restoration of the pope, the Jesuits, and the inquisition. But unfortunately for this affiliation of hypocrites, they have little or no materials to work upon in America, where a man can earn a week's subsistence in less time than he can go to apply for and obtain it without work; and, accordingly, the affiliation seems destined to share the fate of the serene highness's propositions of 25

years ago.

The fall of Napoleon, so far from weakening, will tend to strengthen the general government, in the hands of the republicans. It has deprived its enemies of the grand topic of censure; the main ground of attack. The " Cossacks," as they are now sometimes called, of Massachusetts, can no longer charge the president with being the "tool of Napoleon"they no longer stand in need of England as "the bulwark of religion," seeing that they have the pope, the Jesuits, the Benedictines, the Franciscans, the Carthusians, the Dominicans, and above all, the inquisition, to supply her place in the performance of that godly office. They will no longer, they can no longer, reproach the president for his attachment to France; for France has now a king, a legitimate sovereign, who regularly hears mass. They are now, therefore, put in this dilemma; they must declare openly for England against their country, or, by petty cavilling, must make their opposition contemptible. The former they dare not do; and, they are too full of spite not to do the latter. So that their doom, I imagine, is sealed; and their fall will not be much less complete than that of Napo