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leon himself, with this great difference, however, that his name and the fame of his deeds will descend to the latest posterity, while their projects of ennobling themselves at the expense of their country's freedom and happiness, will be forgotten and forgiven before one half of them are eaten by

worms.

This is my view of the matter. Your lordship will probably think it erroneous; but, if it. prove correct, how long and how bitterly shall we have to deplore the existence of this bloody contest.

I am,
&c.

WM. COBBETT.

[Letter II. has not yet come to hand.]

LETTER III.

TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL, ON THE AMERICAN WAR.

MY LORD-In the American newspapers I have seen an article entitled "British botheration," in which article are noticed in a most ludicrous, but most provoking manner, all the wise observations made in England as to the cause of our ships being beaten by those of America.-At the close of the article, the writer states what he regards as the real cause, but which statement I will, for my health's sake, refrain from repeating to your lordship. But if this saucy republican gave the title of botheration to our former puzzlings upon this head, what will he say now, when the question is become ten thousand times more embroiled than ever? The speeches attributed to the opposition, upon this subject, present matter worthy of public observation. Mr. Horner lays the blame of the failure on the Lakes Erie and Champlain; he attributes those memorable victories of the Americans, to the ministry. He complains that you and your colleagues left our naval commanders to contend with a vast superiority of force. The American official account in both cases, makes the superiority of the force on our side; and, as to Lake Champlain, sir George Prevost himself gives us a superiority of seven guns. I am, for my part, at a loss to discover the policy of ascribing every disgrace to the ministers, and every

success to the commanders. Of its flagrant injustice there can be no doubt; and, it appears to me, that its folly is not much more questionable. Wellington was made a duke for his success; but, according to the present way of thinking, or of talking, the secretary of the war department should have been made a duke, and Wellington remained what he was; and the lords of the admiralty should have had all the ribbons, stars, and titles that have been bestowed on naval commanders. If to the commanders belong the praises of victories: to them also belong upon the face of the matter, the blame of defeat.

Much reliance appears to be placed by the opposition, on the circumstance of captain Barclay having been honourably acquitted by a court martial. For, say they, if he was provided with a force equal to that of the Americans, he must have been guilty; and if he was not, the ministers are to blame. They take the sentence of the court martial, therefore, as a proof of the guilt of the ministers. But is it not very evident that this conclusion is false? Captain Barclay might be as brave a man as ever existed: he might have acted with wisdom equal to his bravery; he might have had a superiority of guns and men; he might have been defeated; yet he might be perfectly free from any blame, and might, on the contrary, merit honours and rewards, still the admiralty might deserve no censure whatever. Americans might have abler seamen; they might, from their superior bodily strength and agility, be able to fire quicker than we; they might fight with an unheard degree of resolution and eagerness; they might be animated by feelings unknown to the bosoms of their adversaries. What! is it to become a maxim, that whenever one of our comman

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ders is defeated, there must be a crime either in him or in the ministry? Must he be punished or they condemned? Must he be their accuser, or they be his accusers? This would soon introduce a very amicable sort of connection between the commanders and the ministry. The truth is, my lord, that there is a degree of mortification and of shame attached to these naval victories of the Americans, that drives men, and particularly naval men, who have all the mass of the people with them, to all sorts of follies and inconsistencies. They do not know what to say or to do, in order to get rid of this insupportable mortification. Sometimes Johnny Bull says to Jonathan, "you have got some English sailors in your ships"" May be so," says Jonathan, "but you have got all English sailors in your ships"-" Aye," replies John, "but you have got the best of our sailors," " may be so," so," says Jonathan, "but then how comes the best of your sailors to desert from your service to come into mine?" "No, no!" rejoins John hastily, "I don't mean the best men; I mean they fight more desperately than those we have on board, because the rascals know that if they are taken they will be hanged"-" Oh fie! Johnny," rejoins Jonathan, "do you think that Englishmen will fight better from a dread of the gallows, than from a love of their king and glorious constitution ?" "No," says John, "I said no such thing. You have got heavier shot, and stronger powder, and more guns, and more men."-" Indeed Johnny," says Jonathan, Jonathan, "why I am sure you pay enough for your ships, shot, guns, men, and powder. Your navy and ordnance, last year, cost you twenty-five millions sterling, which is more than twenty times as much as ours is to cost us next year, though we are building fleets and forming

dock-yards, besides defending, lakes and all, three thousand miles of sea coast."—"Well," says John, 'ready to burst with anger, "what is that to you, what I pay? I will pay it, if I like to pay it" "Oh dear!" says Jonathan, " don't be angry old friend, I have not the least objection to your paying only, I hope I shall not hear any more about the property tax"" You are a saucy scoundrel," says John, foaming with rage; you deserve a good drubbing, you Yankee dog, and you will get it yet-and, at any rate, if I pay taxes, I'll make you pay taxes too. If I am miserable myself, I'll make you unhappy, if I can."

It is to this mortification my lord, that you have to ascribe the attacks of the newspapers on the naval administration, which really appears to me to have done more in Canada than could have been expected at their hands. You see that the opposition here are supported by the country, who will blame you, blame sir George Prevost, blame our powder, shot, ship, gun-locks; blame any person or thing; blame and execrate all the world, rather than acknowledge that the republicans are, gun to gun and man to man, our masters upon the sea. Far be it from me to censure a reluctance to come to such an acknowledgment. The reluctance arises from a love of one of the best professions of one's country, namely, its fame in deeds of arms.-But, then, it is manifest, that this patriotic feeling, if not subjected to reason and enlightened views, may be productive of great injustice towards commanders, or ministers, or both; and may expose the nation to great and lasting misery. The opposition are feeding this feeling-They ascribe every failure to you and your colleagues; and they studiously keep out of sight the real cause of those failures-They justify

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