they must succeed, and then the intoxication · of their pride will render them utterly intractable; or (which is, indeed, more probable) they must fail, and their failure must precipitate them from power, and consequently render treating with them impossible. When an American gentleman of splendid attainments, some years since, composed his celebrated review of the conscription code of that monster Buonaparte, he could not possibly foresee that his own country would, in so short a time, be sub. ject to the same barbarous humiliation. The prime and flower of the American citizens are to be taken by lot! and delivered over to the marshals, who are to deliver them over to the officers authorised to receive them, who are to act at the discretion and under the arbitrary direction of the President. Thus does Mr. Madison, from a simple republican magistrate, suddenly start up a military despot of the most sanguinary character-a double of the blood thirsty wretch at Eiba. We are convinced that this sudden and violent shock to all republican feelings, to all the habits of the people in all parts of the union, cannot be made with impunity. Certain it is that this law cannot stand alone. To give it the least chance of being put in execution, it must be accompanied with all the other chapters of that bloody code by which France was disgraced, and barbarised, and demoralised. Who is to hunt down the refractory conscripts? Who is to drag them, chained together in rows, to the head quar ters of the military division? Who is to punish them, their parents, relations, and friends? Even Buonaparte was many years in bringing to its diabolical perfection the machinery of his system; and carefully as Mr. Monroe may have studied in that accursed school, it cannot be supposed that he has,

at one flight, placed himself on a level with his great instructor. It is highly probable that many of the men who have laboured in the details of oppression and violence under the disturber of Europe, may have, by this time, made their way to America, where they will doubtless receive a cordial welcome from Mr. Madison, and be set to work to rivet the collar on the necks of the American citizens ; but we own, that "with all appliances and means to boot," the President, in our opinion, must fail. Nevertheless, it would be most dangerous to suffer such an opinion to produce the slightest relaxation in our efforts. The British government should act as if it saw Mr. Monroe at the head of his hundred thousand regulars, well disciplined, and equipped, carrying the war, as he distinctly threatens he will do, into the very heart of Canada. Late as it is, we must awake. Eight months ago the duke of Wellington, with his army, might have fallen like a thunderbolt upon the Washington cabinet, leaving them no time for conscriptions, no means of collecting French officers to discipline their troops, no opportunity to intrigue for friendship and support among the continental powers of Europe. It is not yet too late for striking a decisive blow; but that blow must be struck with all our heart and with all our strength. Let us but conceive the proposed hundred thousand regulars embodied in the course of the ensuing spring. Does any one believe that, without a mighty effort on our part, the Canadas could be retained another year?Would not the exultation of seeing himself at the head of such a force urge Mr. Madison, at all hazards, to complete his often-tried invasion? Even if his scheme should but partially succeed, and he should be only able to drag on a defensive war

1

for another twelve months, who knows what allies that period may stir up for him, under the false pretences of regard for neutral rights, and for the liberty of the seas? On our side, to conclude a peace at the present moment would be to confess ourselves intimidated by the warlike preparations of the enemy. It seems, therefore, that we have but one path to follow. Whatever was the force destined to act against America before this DARING BILL of Mr. Monroe was thought of, let that force instantly be doubled; let us cast aside all European politics that cross this great and paramount object of our exertions. Let a general of commanding name be at once despatched to the seat of war. We have often said, and we repeat it, that America is a scene on which the duke of Wellington's talents might be displayed far more beneficially to his country, than they can possibly be in the courtly circles of the Thuilleries: but if his grace must necessarily be confined to the dull round of diplomatic business, at least let some officer be sent, whom the general voice of the army may designate as most like in skill and enterprize to our great national hero. Fatal experience has shewn us, that no effort of such an enemy is to be overlooked. When the flag of the Guerriere was struck, we saw in it that disastrous omen which has since been but too sadly verified on the ocean and the lakes. The triumphs of the American navy have inspired even their privateers with remarkable audacity.

The

present papers mention the cruizes of the Peacock, the Chasseur, and the Mammoth, all of which were very successful, and all ventured on the coasts of England and Ireland! The two latter being American built, outsailed every thing that gave them chase.

This is a circumstance requiring strict at

tention on the part of the admiralty. Surely there must be some discoverable and imitable cause of a celebrity in sailing, which is so important a point in naval tactics, Mr. Fulton, of Catamaran memory, appears to have employed himself on a naval machine of singular powers. It is described as a steam frigate, and is intended to carry red hot shot of one hundred pounds weight. When we remember how contrary to expectation was the tremendous effect of the batteries of the Dardanelles, we cannot entirely dismiss from our minds all apprehension of the effect of this new machine of Mr. Fulton's."

Before I proceed to inquire into the justice of these charges against Mr. Monroe's bill, I cannot refrain from noticing, in a particular manner, one phrase of this article. Mr. Walter (for hire he whom he will to write for him, he is the author) calls the bill "this DARING bill of Mr. Monroe's." Mr. Walter is no grammarian, my lord; nor is it necessary that he should be, to qualify him for addressing such people as the well-attired rabble of England, who are his readers. But this is not the thing that I have in view: I want your lordship to mark the word "DARING," as applied to this bill; as if it were a thing which the republic ought not to think of without our permission; as if it were like the act of a servant taking up a sword and challenging his master; as if it were a trait of insolence unbearable in a nation at war with big John Bull to take effectual means to resist his attacks on their shores as if it were audacious in them to provide the means of preventing their cities, towns and villages, from being plundered or burnt. This Mr. Walter, only a few days ago, called Mr. Jefferson "liar and slave." He has a hundred times called

Mr. Madison a miscreant, a traitor, a liar, a vil lain; and has as often insisted, that no peace ought ever to be made with him. He has frequently insisted, that Mr. Madison and his faction (the majority of congress) must be hurled from their seats. He has called Mr. Jefferson the old serpent. In short, it is the next to impossible to think of any vile term or epithet, which this author has not applied to the American President and the majority of that congress, which is the real representation of the American people. And yet he has the cool impudence to speak of this bill, this measure of defence, as if it were something insolent towards us.

The truth is, my lord, we have so long had to deal with East Indians and Portuguese, and Spaniards and Italians, and Germans and Dutchmen and Russians, and Imperialist Frenchmen, that we are quite spoiled for a dealing with the Americans. We have at last arrived at such a pitch, that we regard it as insolence in any people even to talk of resisting us. Mr. Walter is, in this respect, but the mouth-piece of his readers. We must correct ourselves as to this way of thinking and talking, if the war with America continue; or we shall be exposed to the derision of the whole world.

Mr.

Now, then, as to Mr. Monroe's measure. Walter describes it as a conscription; says, that it will subject the people to barbarous humiliation; says, that it makes the president a military despot of the most sanguinary character; asks, who is to chain the conscripts and drag them to the head-quarters of the military division; calls the raising of this force putting a collar on the necks of the American citi

zens.

These are the charges which Mr. Walter prefers against this grand measure of the republic, and he