with certainty on the possession of a prize; and if my estimates of the benefits were as extravagant as those of some gentlemen, I should join with them in the unconditional removal of the restraints. But, even then, I should differ with them on one point; instead of clamoring against our own Government, I should vent my indignation against the belligerents, the real authors of our distresses. Supposing, however, that the class of persons who consume provisions without laboring directly to raise them, should increase in the United States, and thereby enlarge our domestic market, this very occurrence is made a subject of alarm, under a pretence that a systematic plan is in operation to annihilate commerce, and substitute manufactures in its place. This is one of the most idle whimsies that ever entered into the mind of a statesman. Reasoners often bewilder themselves by ideal or imaginary distinctions, that have no foundation in nature; they make partitions in the intellectual regions, like the invisible or arbitrary lines of geometers, and not by the rivers and mountains, which distinguish the face of nature, and which every eye can discern. Commerce is to be sacrified at the shrine of manufactures. It would be a pitiful commerce that could be carried on without manufactures. And I will offer as one of the unanswerable arguments against this fallacious reasoning, that the ship, without which commerce cannot be carried on, is a domestic manufacture. Our citizens have become proficients in this exquisite art, and I hope they will never forget their skill. The construction of the ship, in which our productions are to be carried to foreign markets, implies the existence of a cluster of manufactures, and without their aid, the ship cannot be equipped for sea. A commercial state of society, therefore, presupposes the establishment of manufactures, and cannot be carried on without them. I hope the advocates of commerce will not proscribe the shipwright's handicraft, and for fear of promoting domestic manufactures, go beyond the seas to buy their vessels. The ship manufacture is one of the arts that confers distinction and honor to America. I wish prosperity to the ship-builder, and to the rope-maker, and the joiner, and the rigger, and the painter, and the glazier, and the plumber, and iron-founder, and the blacksmith, and the other laborers who work with him in this admirable manufacture; and my good wishes extend to him who shapes the spars and masts, prepares the tar and turpentine, forms the copper into bolts and sheets, and forms the hemp into canvass. In the furniture of the ship too, Mr. President, are contained other manufactures, which do the highest honor to the hand and the head of man; the telescope, the quadrant, th the chronometer, the compass, with gunpowder and artillery. And yet the gentleman from Connecticut is terribly afraid that manufactures will supplant commerce. While the ship continues to be the pride and boast of Amerjea, and of man, let no one decry manufactures; for without a constellation of auxiliar arts, that stupendous manufacture cannot exist. While SENATE. on the subject of manufactures, I must do these States the justice to remark, that they are already become a great manufacturing country. The manufactures in iron, from the gathering of the ore, through the operations of forging and refining, up to the casting of hollow ware, the preparation of nails, and fabrication of cannon, are pursued with great success. Works in pelts and skins, such as leather, military accoutrements, saddlery, trunks, gloves, breeches, shoes, boots, harnessmaking, and book-binding, are carried on to wide extent. Preparations of wood in cabinet ware, furniture, and carriages, are done in beautiful style; in woollen goods, the combination of industry, with skill, has passed from the family fireside to public institutions. The brass-founder, the copper-smith, the jeweller, and the wire-worker, have made distinguished progress in their respective arts. I pass over brewing, distillery, and a hundred other employments, that I may give credit to the Congress for the aid given to certain other branches of manufacture a few sessions ago. By an exemption of rags from the payment of duties, ample stock was provided for the paper mills, and an additional supply of the materials prepared for gazettes, pamphlets, and books, so necessary to a free and well-informed people. By a similar regulation in favor of regulus of antimony, the manufacture of types was favored, and such aid given to literature, that already the Greek and Latin classics appear in American print. The preparation of mill-stones, and flour, that staple of our country, was encouraged by permitting unwrought burrs to be imported from their quartzy strata in France, free from imposts. In like manner the admission of clay, cork, gypsum, bristles, hides, bullion, furs, wool, and many other articles, have worked beneficial effects upon our domestic manufactures. In this enumeration there is no mention of the manufactures which depress the character and prostrate the soul of man. hope the degeneracy which accompanies the silk manufacture at Lyons, the cotton manufacture at Manchester, and the hard-ware manufacture at Birmingham and Sheffield, will never, never be seen in these abodes of liberty. Indeed, it is impossible it should, while industry is rewarded with the highest wages, and where land can be bought at a moderate price. That compact population, where there are more mouths than food, and those statutes of apprenticeship and poor laws which tie up the hands of the subject, and almost deprive him of locomotion, are unknown among us. The miseries consequent upon an over-population, and upon the manufactures which grow out of that state of society, are as yet so far off, that centuries must pass away before they will overtake us. I The people moreover, it is contended, will not endure the embargo, and will, if it is not repealed, rise in open opposition to their Government, by resisting it. Turbulent men may perhaps be found, who may make direct resistance to those statutes. But Mr. M. declared he had a better opinion of his countrymen than to suppose they would be concerned in insurrections. He was SENATE. The Embargo. NOVEMBER, 1808. consoled by the reflection that American citizens before we contend with an enemy. I know, and were not only freemen but trained to the profess- all the world knows, the bravery of the Ameriion and use of fire-arms as militiamen, accustom- cans; while, therefore, I disregard the gasconading ed to attend courts as jurors, called to decide dif-language of such as would talk us into war, I ferences as arbitrators, and privileged to vote as electors; they were besides instructed in the prin ciples of civil liberty, moral order, and religious discipline; they comprehended well the value of life, property, and social connexions; and they had also steady habits of respect to themselves, and the laws enacted by men of their own choice. Such a people will consider maturely the turpitude of resisting the lawful authority. The awful consequences of treason will be perfectly foreseen and avoided. A people worthy to enjoy freedom, will not be prone to riotous conduct; on the contrary, they will feel a strong co-operation of interest with duty, to prevent violence and disorder. The government which surpasses every other in strength is a popular government, where each individual, feeling himself to be a portion of the sovereignty, exerts himself to support the majesty of the laws. The yeomanry of the different commonwealths have nothing to gain by mobs; they are the safeguards of the nation, and the determined foes of rebellion. And as long as the farmers preserve their integrity. (and they will probably maintain it longer than any other class.) so long will misrule and anarchy be prevented. Though a few intemperate and deluded men have already become outrageous, their influence has been very limited and their reign exceedingly short. Another consequence of the embargo will be, it is urged, an annihilation of the military courage and glory of the nation. If by this observation is meant that it would be better to take warlike measures, I must take this opportunity of declaring, that it has always, since the commencement of iny Congressional life, been a most desirable object with me to prepare for the worst of events. Peace has ever appeared to me the season to prepare for war, as Summer is the time to lay up a store for Winter, and youth to provide for old age. Accordingly, I have conceived it to be a leading object of my public duty, to vote for all the measures proposed by others for the general defence, and to propose others myself. I have pressed the business of appropriations for fortifying our weak places with a zeal that some of my friends may have deemed unfortunate. But if a war should be found necessary for the settlement of these commercial disputes, I should think some further time would be requisite to prepare for it. I question whether we are in a condition to rush immediately to the hostile conflict. A little further preparation for the general welfare is probably necessary. Perhaps I may be influenced too much in this case by social feelings. A resident of New York city, I feel the most sincere concern for a people who have long bestowed on me their confidence and loaded me with honors. The works of defence erecting for their security are scarcely far enough advanced to be pronounced effectual; and I heartily hope that important, though vulnerable port, may be properly shielded would prepare seriously for that event. Being so prepared, we may remove the embargo and take our former position on the ocean with a nanly and determined attitude, Until Congress shall take further measures of this kind, prudence would indicate a continuance in our present state, at least for a short time; and until the means of precaution and of security shall be more effectually provided, I shall, for one, be willing to bear the reproach of withholding my eager countrymen from the display of their courage, and the acquisition of glory. But we are told, that the evasions of the embargo laws are so frequent that they cannot be executed. This indeed is lamentably true. We read constantly in the gazettes of American flour offered for sale in the West Indies. The vegetable alkali of New York and Vermont is advertised in Liverpool, as potash from Canada. Ships that were abroad when the embargo was laid, continue to shun their country, though navigating in exile, under the American flag. British vessels are chartered in our ports to carry on a commerce which our vessels are forbidden to engage in. The violators of the laws are making fortunes, while the conscientious observers of them are suffering sad privations. It would be easy to mention many more of these stratagems. The violation of a law is of itself no argument against its wisdom or duration. The statutes against larcency, forgery, burglary, and murder, are frequently broken; and yet it would be thought very strange if such occasional infractious should be pleaded as reasons for their repeal. If, on the whole, I was convinced, that the embargo laws could not be executed, I should consider them as worse than useless, and demanding an immediate repeal; or if I thought the adherence to them for the purpose of avoiding a foreign war, would involve us in a domestic one, there would on that supposition be not one moment's hesitation in my mind in preferring a contest abroad to contention at home. On these points, however, I want further information; and I hope the motion on the table may be so disposed of, as to permit that information to be brought before us. We shall then discover how far the laws are inoperative through their own imperfect construction, through the carelessness of those whose duty it is to execute them, and through the general and avowed disposition of the people at large to disregard them. We shall also learn whether discontent and disaffection have spread so through society, as our alarmists would persuade us. Having thus, sir, taken a view of our past and present condition, I shall, with your leave, offer a few remarks of a prospective kind. Let us now suppose the embargo actually removed, what would be the consequence? There are several subjects of doubt and apprehension, directly before us. First, I feel if I should give my vote for the resolution before the Senate, I should consent to a surrender of the honor and independence of my country. For these, as long as any portion of them are, confided to me, I hold myself, and this ☐☐nation holds me, solemnly responsible. At the same time, I wish some method might be devised to give a partial outlet to our accumulated productions. I confidently hope this may be accomplished without violating any principle, with out incurring the least reproach. The convenience of the citizens will thus be in unison with the honor of their Government. Secondly, the unqualified and unconditional removal of the existing restrictions would probably give such a loose to commerce, that the reiterated aggressions of former years would be revived, and impressment of seamen and passengers, capture and condemnation of vessels and cargoes, violations of territory, investment of our ⚫ports and harbors, and the murder of our citizens, be practised as heretofore. Thirdly, under existing circumstances, the safety of commerce might require licenses to arm and make reprisals. And this warfare would in all probability soon be whetted up to war. And although I do not dread a state of hostility, when we are impelled thereto by just and necessary causes, as so calamitous an event as many of my friends are pleased to consider it, yet certainly it ought not to be courted, but on the other hand avoided if possible. It has been shrewdly observed by somebody, that nations now and then fall into plethoric habits, and that bloodletting is the most speedy and efficacious remedy. Whether any of the State physicians shall pronounce that disease to exist, and shall attempt to cure it by abstinence or bleeding, my own opinion is that the repeal of the embargo ought to be accompanied with various provisional and defensive measures, not expressed in the motion before the Senate. SENATE. having little agency in the passing political scenes, living in a part of the country, too, where there is little or no difference in political opinions, and where the embargo laws are almost universally approved, I felt the real want of information upon the subject now under discussion. I thought I knew something of the general objects of the embargo laws, and I had not been inattentive to their general operations upon society, as far as I had opportunities of observing thereupon. When I arrived here, and found that this subject had excited so much sensibility in the minds of many gentlemen I met with, as to engross their whole thoughts, and almost to banish every other topic of conversation, I felt also a curiosity to know what were the horrible effects of these laws in other parts of the country, and which had escaped my observation in the part of the country in which I reside. Of course, sir, I have given to the gentlemen, who have favored us with their observations on both sides of the question under consideration, the most careful and respectful attention, and particularly to the gentlemen representing the eastern section of the Union, where most of this sensibility had been excited. I always listen to gentlemen from that part of the United States with pleasure, and generally receive instruction from them; but on this occasion, I am reluctantly compelled to acknowledge, that I have received from them less satisfaction, and less information than usual; and still less conviction. It was hardly to have been expected, Mr. President, that after so many angry and turbulent passions had been called into action, by the recent agitations throughout the whole United States, resulting from the elections by the people, to almost all the important offices within their gift, and particularly from the elections of Electors for choosing the President and Vice President of the United States, that gentlemen would have met here perfectly exempt from the feelings which this state of things was naturally calcu Fourthly-but I check myself and forbear to enlarge on these topics. In all our deliberations let us discard foreign preferences, and remember that on great public questions, where alien Gov-lated to inspire. Much less was it to have been ernments are brought into collision with our own, there ought to exist in our councils but one mind, one spirit, one feeling, and these should be truly American. When Mr. M. concluded, the Senate adjourned. TUESDAY, November 24. Mr. ANDERSON, from the committee to whom was referred the bill, entitled "An act to authorize the conveyance of certain papers and documents by the mail free of postage," reported the bill without amendment. expected, sir, that gentlemen who had once possessed the power of the nation, and who, from some cause or other, had lost it; (a loss, which they now tell us they but too well remember, and I fear, might have added, too deeply deplore,) gentlemen too, sir, who at one time during the electioneering scene, had indulged the fond and delusive hope, that through the privations necessa rily imposed upon our fellow citizens, by the unexampled aggressions of the belligerent Powers, they might once more find their way to office and power, and who now find themselves disappointed in this darling expectation-it was not at all to be expected, sir, that these gentlemen should now appear here, perfectly exempt from the unpleasant feelings which so dreadful a disappointment must necessarily have produced. It was a demand upon human nature for too great a sacrifice; and however desirable such an exemption might have been at the present moment, and however honorable it would have been to those gentlemen, it was not expected. But, sir, I had indulged a hope that the extraordinary dangers and difficulties pressed upon us by the aggressing belligerents, attended, too, with so many circumstances of indignity and insult, would have awakened a sensibility in the bosom of every gentleman of this body, which would have wholly suppressed, or at least suspended, these unpleasant feelings, until some measures, consulting the general interests and welfare of the people, could have been devised, to meet, resist, and if possible, to subdue the extraordinary crisis. But, sir, even in this hope too, I have been totally disappointed. I was the more encouraged in this hope, when upon opening this debate the gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. HILLHOUSE) seemed sensible of this sacred obligation, imposed by the crisis; when he exhorted us, in conducting our deliberations, utterly to discard the influence of party spirit. It would have given me great pleasure, sir, if the gentleman had afforded us a magnanimous example of a precept so admirably suited to the present state of things. But in this too, sir, I have been unfortunately disappointed. That gentleman's observations consisted almost exclusively of retrospective animadversions upon the original objects and horrible effects of the embargo laws, without seeming to think it was worth his attention to favor us with any reflections upon the prospective course of measures, which the people's interests, the public safety, and general welfare, so imperiously demand. That gentleman represented the embargo laws as mere acts of volition, impelled by no cause nor necessity; whilst the British orders, and French edicts, were scarcely glanced at, and certainly formed the least prominent feature of his observations. He represented these laws as a wanton and wicked attack upon commerce, with a view to its destruction, whilst he seemed scarcely to have recollected the extraordinary dangers and difficulties which overspread the ocean-indeed, sir, he described the ocean as perfectly free from dangers and difficulties, unruffled by any storms, and that we had nothing to do but to unfurl our canvass to the wind, that it would be filled with prosperous gales, and wafted to the ports of its destination, where NOVEMBER, 1808. sions, the pressure of these aggressions presents most temptations to distrusts and divisions. Was there ever a stronger illustration of the truth and correctness of this observation than the recent efforts made under the pressure of the embargo laws? The moment the privations, reluctantly, but necessarily imposed by these laws, became to be felt, was the moment of signal to every political demagogue, who wished to find his way to office and to power, to excite the distrusts of the people, and then to separate them from the Government of their choice, by every exaggeration which ingenuity could devise, and every misrepresentation which falsehood could invent; nothing was omitted which it was conceived would have a tendency to effect this object. But, Mr. President, the people of the United States must learn the lessen now, and at all future times, of disrespecting the bold and disingenuous charges and insinuations of such aspiring demagogues. They must learn to respect and rally round their own Government, or they never can present a formidable front to a foreign aggressor. Sir, the people of the United States have already learnt this lesson. They have recently given an honorable and glorious example of their knowledge in this respect. They have, in their recent elections, demonstrated to the nation and to the world that they possess too much good sense to become the dupes of these delusive artifices, and too much patriotism to desert their Government, when it stands most in need of their support and energy. The gentleman from Connecticut (Mr. HILLHOUSE) has made the most strict, and I had almost said, uncharitable scrutiny into the objects and effects of the embargo laws, in the delusive hope, I presume, of obtaining a triumph over his political adversaries. I propose to follow the gentleman, in a fair and candid comparison of information and opinions upon this subject; and I shall do so in the most perfect confidence, that, whenever a thorough examination of the objects and effects of the embargo laws shall be made known, and the merits of the measure fully understood, that there is not a man in the United States who will not applaud and support the Adtaminated heart of an American throbbing within his bosom. it would be received with open arms of friend-ministration for its adoption, who has the uncon ship and hospitality. I wish, sir, with all my heart, the gentleman could but realize these dreaming visions; their reality would act like a magic spell upon the embargo laws, and dissipate them in a moment! But, alas, sir, when we come to look at realities, when we turn our eyes upon the real dangers and difficulties which do overspread the ocean, we shall find them so formidable, that the wisdom of our undivided counsels, and the energy of our undivided action, will scarcely be sufficient to resist and conquer them. To my great regret, sir, we now see, that the United States cannot even hope to be blessed with this union of mind and action, although certainly their dearest interests demand it. Sir, I have always understood that there were two objects contemplated by the embargo laws. The first, precautionary, operating upon ourselves. The second, coercive, operating upon the aggressing belligerents. Precautionary, in saving our seamen, our ships, and our merchandise, from the plunder of our enemies, and avoiding the calamities of war. Coercive, by addressing strong appeals to the interests of both the belligerents. The first object has been answered beyond most sanguine expectations. To make a fair and just estimate of this measure, reference should be had to our situation at the time of its adoption. At that time, the aggressions of both the belligererents were such, as to leave the United States but a painful alternative in the choice of one of my Mr. President, perhaps the greatest inconvenience attending popular governments, consists in this; that whenever the union and energy of the people are most required to resist foreign aggres- | three measures, to wit, the embargo, war, or sub NOVEMBER, 1808. The Embargo. SENATE. mission. I know that this position has not been Government has done all, in this respect, it was It was found that merchandise to the value of one hundred millions of dollars was actually afloat, in vessels amounting in value to twenty millions more. That an amount of merchandise and vessels equal to fifty millions of dollars more, was expected to be shortly put afloat, and that it would require fifty thousand seamen to be employed in the navigation of this enormous amount of property. The Administration was informed of the hostile edicts of France previously issued, and then in a state of execution, and of an intention on the part of Great Britain to issue her orders, the character and object of which were also known. The object was, to sweep this valuable commerce from the ocean. The situation of this commerce was as well known to Great Britain, as to ourselves, and her inordinate cupidity could not withstand the temptation of the rich booty, she vainly thought within her power. This was the state of information at the time this measure was recommended. perfect security; and if they have since thought proper to abandon these blessings, and emigrate from their country, it was an act of choice, not of necessity. But, what would have been the unhappy destiny of these brave tars, if they had been permitted to have been carried into captivity, and sent adrift on unfriendly and inhospitable shores? Why, sir, in that case, they would have had no choice; necessity would have driven them into a hard and ignominious service, to fight the battles of the authors of their dreadful calamities, against a nation with which their country was at peace. And is the bold and generous American tar to be told, that he is to disrespect the Administration for its anxious and effectual attentions to his interests? for relieving him from a dreadful captivity? Even under the hardships he does suffer, and which I sincerely regret, every generous feeling of his noble heart would repel the base attempt with indignation. But, sir, the American seamen have not deserted their country; foreign seamen may and probably have gone into foreign service; and, for one, I am glad of it. I hope they will never return; and I am willing to pass a law, in favor of the true-hearted American seamen, that these foreign seamen never should return. I would even prohibit them from being employed in merchant vessels. The American seamen have found employment in the country; and whenever the proper season shall arrive for employing them on their proper element, you will find them, like true birds of passage, hovering in crowds upon your shores. The President of the United States, ever watchful and anxious for the preservation of the persons and property of all our fellow-citizens, but particularly of the merchants, whose property is most exposed to danger, and of the seamen whose persons are also most exposed, recommended the embargo for the protection of both; and it has saved and protected both. Let us now suppose, for a moment, that the President, possessed of this information, had not apprized the merchants and seamen of their danger, and had recommended no measure for their safety and protection; would he not in that case have merited and received the reproaches which the ignorance or ingratitude of merchants and others have so unjustly heaped upon hin, for his judicious and anxious attentions to their interests? It is admitted by all, that the embargo laws have saved this enormous amount of property, and this number of seamen, which, without them, would have forcibly gone into the hands of our enemies, to pamper their arrogance, stimulate their injustice, and increase their means of annoyance. I should suppose, Mr. President, this saving worth some notice. But, sir, we are told that in- independence. Are these savings not worth no Whilst considering this part of the subject. I cannot help expressing my regret that, at the time of passing our embargo laws, a proportion of our seamen was not taken into the public service; because, in my judgment, the nation required their services, and it would have been some alleviation to their hardships, which the measure peculiarly imposed upon them, as a class of citizens, by affecting their immediate occupation; and the other classes, as well as the public Treasury, were able to contribute to their alleviation; and I am willing to do the same thing at this time. Indeed, its omission is the only regret I have ever felt, at the measures of the last Congress. I like the character-I like the open frankness, and the generous feelings of the honest American tar; and, whenever in my power, I am ready to give, and will with pleasure give him my protection and support. One of the most important and agreeable effects of the embargo laws, is giving these honest fellows a safe asylum. But, sir, these are not the only good effects of the embargo. It has preserved our peace-it has saved our honor-it has saved our national stead of protecting our seamen, it has driven them tice? Are these blessings not worth preserving? out of the country, and into foreign service. I The gentleman from Delaware (Mr. WHITE) believe, sir, that this fact is greatly exaggerated. has, indeed, told us, that under the embargo laws, But, sir, suppose for a moment that it is so, the the United States are bleeding at every pore. 10th CON. 2d SESS.-4 1 |