stcrifice which they may be prepared to make, of less value, by showing the light estimation in which they hold what they concede, and will purchase less returns of gratitude or other considerations for what they sacrifice. But if, on the contrary, this system of our policy is intended to be upheld; if at the time we insist upon upholding it we appear by our conduct to undervalue it, our adherence will be attributed to our pride, to our obstinacy, to our illwill, to any thing, in short, but those true principles of just and rational policy on which alone our determination to adhere to it ought to appear to rest. The attorney general replied to Mr. Perceval; after which Mr. Canning, in a very long and elaborate speech, gave a decided opposition to the measure. Dr. Laurence and sir John Newport spoke in defence of it; when the house divided, and the bill was read a second time. When lord Temple moved the third reading on the 8th of July, Sir Charles Price thought it necessary to take the opportunity of restating his objections to the bill. He said that from all his communications with West India merchants and planters, and those engaged in the trade of Canada, and also with the ship-owners of this country, he thought the present bill hostile to the interests of our commerce. He had been informed by American merchants that not less than one-third, and even onehalf, of the sailors navigating American ships were British-born subjects. The present, therefore, was not the time to discourage our shipping and navigation interests, and to drive still more of our sea men into American service. For some time after the first suspension of the navigation laws in 1793, the vessels and ship-owners were fully employed as transports, so that sufficient encouragement was given to the navigation of the country; but since this resource had ceased the shipping interest had declined, and he could state, that in 1802 there was not less than a hundred of these ships with a broom at the mast-head; which fully showed the distressed situation of the ship-owners. On these and various grounds, he moved that instead of the word "now" the words "this day three months" be inserted in the motion. Mr. Broderick seconded this motion, which was supported by Mr. Bourne, Mr. Mainwaring, sir Wm. Curtis, and lord De Bla quiere. Sir Wm. Young and lord Temple opposed it; and the latter stated that addresses were pouring in from every quarter, indicative of the existing necessity, and he trusted gentlemen would no longer deny what was so obvious and palpable. Upon this Lord Castlereagh, in a speech of considerable length, entered his solemn protest against the principle of the bill: "I wish," says he towards the conclusion of his speech, "if ministers do not mean to use this bill for the unwise and mischievous purposes to which its powers may be applied, that they would, at least for the present, calm the public apprehensions by relinquishing it, and suffer matters to proceed as they have done for years, without any inconvenience or danger. It cannot be necessary to enable them to administer a li mited and temporary aid to the islands. If it is meant to be pushed further, which the extent. of its provisions justifies us in ap L2 prehending, prehending, it is a fraud on parliament thus covertly to effect it. Without a more visible necessity, so much power ought not to be surrendered to his majesty's ministers, nor so many great interests be alarmed with respect to their nearest concerns. I certainly can not justify myself, venerating as I have been taught to do the navigation laws of the country, unnecessarily placing such vital interests at the mercy of any government whatever; and I least of all am disposed so to place them at the present moment, after the senti. ments that have been expressed, and the opinions it is to be presumed are entertained. I trust the house will retain those laws under its own immediate protection, as the source of our greatness, the surest preservative of our power, and the best bulwark of the British empire." Lord Henry Petty, in reply, maintained that the naval superiority of this country depended essentially on the prosperity of the West India islands. This plan was most conducive to their advantage, and therefore must contribute to support that maritime strength which could not be too highly estimated, and could not be too zealously maintained. Then it was objected that a secret would be discovered by America, that the existence of our colonies depended on her aid. It was no secret, he said, that, after thirteen years experience afforded to that continent, the assistance of Ame rica was useful to our colonies; and if promoting this intercourse could receive from America any conciliatory construction, this was not an objection but a motive for the bill. The master of the rolls, in a very elaborate argument, con tended that this bill went to grant a power in favour of American shipping, which cannot be granted to that of our own country; and he demanded if it were possible that such a power could be conceded by a British parliament, and whether ministers were aware of the meaning of the bill under discussion. I have shown," said the learned gentleman, "the danger of assenting to any measure of this kind without inquiry; I have shown that it is different from any measure that ever was yet adopted in parliament; I have shown that no situation in which this country can be placed can ever require such power to be given to any body of men in it; I have shown the intolerable insult which it offers to the British shipping by placing it below that of a foreign state; I have shown the ruin which will attend an attempt to put in force any thing like the extent of its provisions. Is it, then, after all this, is it too much to ask of a British house of parliament, not to destroy the best interests of the British empire by destroying its navigation, and that without the regularity of inquiry? Sir, if ever there was a time in which it was the duty of parliament to guard against the introduction of these destructive principles, by which the navigation laws are threatened with annihilation, and more particularly against giving any person in the state the power of producing that effect, the present moment is the very time; and I think that the necessity of caution is considerably increased by the very arguments which have been urged in support of this bill. Good God! sir, what has been the ground on which this bill has been defended? Ministers Ministers are determined, it seems, to carry every thing by storm; for they do not reason on the wisdom or the policy of the bill, but they recommend it to this British house of parliament by showing that it is of the same kind as other acts of hostility which have, at different times, and under different circumstances, been committed against the navigation laws of this country! I say, that if this bill pass into a law, a foundation will have been laid, by which ministers may come to parianient with any claim which the intoxication of success ful power may dictate or gest." sug The attorney general replied, and contended that it went merely to place under the control of his majesty, in council, and by law, a practice which, for thirteen years past, had been uniformly assumed by the governors of the West In dia islands, without law, and upon the presumption of future indemnity. He contended also, that it was the self-same principle of control, and discretionary power of dispensing with the rigour of the navigation laws with respect to America, and the East India trade, which had existed in his majesty and the privy council ever since the conclusion of the American war, and this too under bills successively brought in by a late right honourable gentleman, and supported by his supporters, without any of those apprehensions for the safety of the navigation laws, or the ruin of our commerce, our navy, and our national power, which seemed to excite so much clamour in the vigilant guardians of our prosperity and safety. After some additional remarks from Mr. Perceval, Mr. Windham, and Mr. Rose, the question for the third reading was carried, and the bill was passed, and ordered to the lords, where it was read a first time on the 10th: and on the 17th, after a short debate, in which lord Hawkesbury and lord Eldon op. posed the measure, and lord Hol land, lord Spencer, and lord Lauderdale vindicated it, the bill went through all the stages and was passed. CHAPTER V. Debates on the Slave Importation Restriction- Bill-Hostilities with Prussia -Mr. Perceval's Motion respecting the Volunteers-Addresses to His Majesty on Prussian Hostilities --Lord Howick's Motion on an Increase of Pay to the Navy-Debates on Mr. Windham's Motion for the Repeal of the Additional Force Act-Mr. Jeffery s Motion on Lord St. Vincent's Naval Administration—Mr. Robson's Motion on the Barracks. THE HE discussions on the slave restriction bill will be found interesting to our readers, and the more so as they may be regarded as introductory to further debates, that will be found in the following chapter. We have given the debates in the house of commons much at large on the repeal of the additional force, because it was undoubtedly a trial of strength between the ministers of the time and L3 those those who had lately held the reins of government. We might, indeed, have extended the debates on this subject to any length, but we have thought it sufficient to present our readers with a detailed account of one debate in the commons, and a sketch of what took place in the house of lords on the same subject. On the 31st of March the attorney general moved for a bill respecting the supply of certain colonies with negroes. He trusted he should have the concurrence of the house, since humanity as well as policy dictated the measure which he was about to propose, and mora lity went hand in hand with the best interests of the country. As the law stood at present with respect to the slave trade, negroes might be directly carried to any colony belonging to a power not at war with us, though this might contribute in time to render them our rivals in maritime strength. As there was the liberty of a direct supply to neutral colonies, the enemies' colonies had an opportunity of having an early supply from them. His majesty, it was true, had the right of preventing a supply from being sent to hostile colonies, but with regard to those that were neutral, these might be directly supplied to any extent, The consequence of which was, that not only the Spanish but even the French colonies had a ready resource; and, of course, this trade would tend materially to increase the maritime strength of our enemies, and add materially to their naval force. If this had only been a mere carrying trade, such as the exportation of cotton, there could not be so much objection to it; but the trade was an existing evil, which was tolerated at present, as far as the neutral colonies were concerned, but which ought to be confined to the British colonies. The object, therefore, was to prevent the trade from being carried on with any foreign islands. He concluded by moving "for a bill to give further effect to the order of council in 1805, respecting the importation of slaves to foreign islands." Some objec tions were taken in point of form, but the motion was carried. Mr. Rose strongly opposed the second reading of the bill, as of most serious importance to the commercial interests of the country. He asked if this was the time to stop the sale of our manu factures in other places, when it was already interrupted in Europe to the amount of five or six mil. lions annually. The exportation of these to America was nearer the value of two millions than one. This was not the only immediate advantage that would be lost, for it was by the means of this traffic that the colonies were supplied with bullion; and yet, in these circumstances, it was proposed to stop the exportation of those to Africa, both from this country and the West Indies. The interests of the merchants, manufacturers, and of the shipping, would by this means be materially injured. What object could be attained by it? It would do no more than drive the trade into the hands of the Americans, who had considerable facilities for carrying it on; for, in one instance, a ship from Africa to Carolina buried 115 slaves, and yet the voyage was profitable. He begged the house to consider what would be the consequences of leaving the manufactures of Manches ter, ter, Paisley, and other places, to go naked, and without any channel for their sale. The bill was supported by sir John Newport, and opposed by the generals Tarleton and Gascoyne, when it was read a second time. On the third reading, May 1; it was opposed by the same gentlemen, sir Robert Peele, and sir Charles Price; upon which trade itself, whatever gentlemen might think of the consistency of those ministers in office, who had voted for it out of office, he would not take upon himself to answer for the opinions of all his majesty's ministers: he could answer for himself and several of those with whom he had the honour to act, that neither he nor they had ever changed the sentiments they had so repeatedly avowed upon it. They still felt it as one involving the dearest interests of humanity, and as one which, however unfortunate this administration might be in other respects, should they be successful in effecting it, would entail more true glory upon their administration, and more honour upon their country, than any other transaction in which they could be engaged. The bill was then read a third time and passed. In the house of peers, on the 7th of May, several petitions were presented against the bill, and counsel was heard in behalf of those who opposed it. Counsel be ing withdrawn, Mr. secretary Fox said, that, possessing the same sentiments upon the subject of the slave trade which he had so uniformly professed in that house, it was not likely that the arguments used by gentlemen should change his sentiments. He was ready to admit, that any measure tending to depress the commerce of the country should be avoided, especially in a period of war; yet he could not see how this would happen from the regulation proposed. As to the bill having an operation gradually to abolish the slave trade, as some gentlemen seemed to apprehend, he owned he could not flatter himself in the hope that it would produce such a consequence; and if he thought it would have this tendency, instead of that being with him an argument against tended to convince him that the the bill, it was one which would principle of the bill was erroneous render him ten times more ena- or impolitic; on the contrary, he moured of it: but so far from still believed it to be a measure such a consequence, he thought it which was called for by every dicwould only operate, some two tate of sound policy. The islands years hence, to furnish a new ar- in the West Indies were now nearly gument, added to the old ones, of all of them in the possession of this those who opposed that abolition, country, or of our enemies; and, but on which, certainly, he never if it was clear and obvious policy placed any very strong reliance. that we should not give advantages They had predicted in the same to our enemies, it was surely equalmanner of the slave-carrying trade, ly clear that we should not supply and of every other regulation cal- their colonies with slaves, thereby culated to palliate the enormous affording them additional means of abuses of that trade. With respect cultivation, contributing to increase to the total abolition of the slave the produce of their islands, and Lord Grenville rose to move the second reading of the bill. Nothing he had heard, he said, had L 4 thus |