vernments of Europe, which were so near ruin as not unreasonably to entertain apprehensions from reform; and undoubtedly, in periods of restless feeling and bound parte, with extreme severity, and eleven of the principal merchants of that place were ordered into confinement at one time, on the representation of the French envoy; while Bonaparte, in a letter to the-less speculation, the very exten. landamman, in return for a compliment on the marriage of the viceroy of Italy, declared, not only that he was extremely affected by that expression of the good will of Switzerland, but that he would ever entertain the most anxious solicitude, for its independence. That neutrality which it had been the policy of Denmark to maintain while it was possible, during the whole revolutionary con flict, was this year observed with its former strictness. Instead of involving herself in the vortex of European politics, in which it would have been scarcely possible for her to have escaped ruin, she limited her exertions to those in ternal arrangements which constitute the true happiness of states, and conciliate popular attachment even to governments of despotism: An attempt was made on the part. of the French government, to seduce or compel her to break through her neutral policy, by shutting the Sound against the English. After the occupation of Lubec and Hamburgh, her situation became somewhat alarming. The storm however soon dissipas ted. It may deserve to be remarked, that Denmark felt herself to be in a materially different situation from several other got siveness of abuses will be admitted by many as a plausible argument against commencing their extirpation, and will be often felt by the government itself as an argument more than specious. Such, however, was not the situation of Denmark. The erroneous opinions of former ages on theological subjects she saw, and was disposed to remove. The first separation from popery naturally involved much of its absurdity and supersti tion; and these indeed tainted, in some degree, all the protestant forms of service. Commissioners were appointed by Denmark for removing, or at least moderating, these absurdities. A new transla. tion of the Bible was ordered to be prepared, and the liturgies of the state were to be rendered more conformable to its ascertained contents. The example afforded by this kingdom, of caution and liberality, of resistance to anarchy, and conces sion to the spirit of improvement, is eminently worthy of imitation, and presents a happy contrast to those states, in which the governments have concluded that there was no security but in the continuance of abuses, and the people no deliverance but in complete and absolute subversion, CHAPTER XIII. Illness of Mr. Fox-Fatigues and Embarrassments of Office add Strength to his Maladies---Death of Mr. Fox-The Public Affliction at this Intelligence-Procession at his Interment-His Private Character-Short View of his Political Life-The Financial and Military Arrangements of his Administration-His Motion for the Abolition of the Slave Trade-His Conduct with respect to Foreign Powers-His Efforts for Peace-Is succeeded by Lord Percy for Westminster— Dissolution of Parliament — Boisterousness and Rudeness attending the New Election's-Influence of the People in Southwark, Liverpool, and other laces Conduct of Sir Francis Burdett, nominated for Middlesex-Trial of Lord Melville. THE HE accession of Mr. Fox to power, whatever hopes it might excite in political party, or in the great body of the nation, was a circumstance pregnant to himself with inconvenience and danger. In a life of retirement, which, comparatively speaking at least, he might be said to enjoy, before his summons to power by the death of his political rival, the consequences of his youthful eccentricities, were capable of being palliated by cautious attention and remedial applications. But on his advance to office, the perplexities of intrigue, the collision of claims, the chagrin of submitting to arrangements which he most desired to preclude, but which it seemed requisite to adopt, the prolonged contests in parliament, the frequent summonses to council, and even the very convivialities with which it was thought expedient to celebrate and cement a new administration, were but ill calculated for the preservation of that health, which was now more than ever desirable, but seemed also more than ever in danger. In a few months symptoms appeared of an alarming nature, and it was strongly apprehended that Mr. Fox laboured under an incipient dropsy. The business of the house of com mons he was consequently obliged to abandon: but with this deduction from his harassing employments the remainder pressed too heavily upon him; and whatever chance might have been afforded by a total abstinence from public business, and a recurrence to his rural retirement and regularity, this chance was not afforded. It was not long before the most decided indications of dropsy appeared, in consequence of which, all hope of continued life was founded upon a long succession of operations, which, in comparatively vigorous subjects, have sometimes preserved the springs of life for a series of years, but which a broken constitution has seldom, if ever, been capable of sustaining. The operation of tapping was several times performed on Mr. Fox, producing that temporary relief which it seldom fails to effect: but the disease was too formidable for effectual resistance, and, in a short time, even for mitigation. After a series of increasing languors, amidst which, the fondness of affection would seem to perceive foundations for hope, which medical skill could never really admit, this great man, in the 59th year of his age, closed his connection with all mortal scenes. 3 The gard, which perhaps was scarcely ever exceeded to any human indi That unanimity of approbation bestowed on his individual character, it would be absurd to expect in his political one. A circumstantial detail of his public life would be ill suited to our present object; The regret occasioned by this event was evinced by the general feeling at the reception of the intel-vidual, as he appears to have been ligence, notwithstanding it had excelled by no one in the tenderness been so long expected, and by that of his affections, the sublimity of his procession which some time after views, and the comprehension and wards took place on the solemn in- sagacity of his intelligence. terment. The funeral was per formed at private expense, but at tended nevertheless by the most distinguished nobility, vast numbers of the house of commons, many dig. nitaries of the church, members of the whig club, electors of Westmin-yet to advert to a few events in the ster, and gentlemen deputed from distant parts of the country, in testimony of their repect for the character of the deceased, and an immense assemblage of the general population of the metropolis. One general sentiment of grief appeared to overwhelm all the distinctions of party politics, and the day that consigned Mr. Fox to the grave was consecrated, from all profane and factious asperity, to deplore the loss of a man, whose genius, acquirements, and virtues did honour to the nation and to the age. The private character of this great man appears to have abounded in all those qualities which can conciliate affection and esteem. The independence of his mind was totally unmixed with any portion of that surly asperity with which it is too frequently connected; and while it excited respect, it did not impair attachment. The frankness of his manners, the generosity of his feelings, which, agreeably to the testimony of one who knew him well, were unalloyed by the smallest particle of gall; the elevation of his principles, and that self-oblivion which hedisplayed in circumstances, where personal interest, in common minds, appears to absorb every other sentiment, procured for him, in return, a degree of re career of this distinguished man, may be thought a natural appendage to the announcement of his quitting this earthly stage. In the commencement of his parliamentary course, he displayed those principles which he had derived from his father, and which were designated by the term toryism. Some altercation, however, having arisen between him and lord North, he was abruptly dismissed from his office, as commissioner of the treasu ry, and, with all the irritation of resentment at the sarcastic and triumphant mode with which his ejection had been declared to him by the premier, threw himself into the arms of the opposition, consisting of men of the most splendid talents, and to whom he afterwards confessed himself obliged for any knowledge of the true principles of the constitution, and for that glowing attachment to general liberty which he possessed. During his career of opposition the most indignant and personal language was applied by him to the principal minister lord North, for whose crimes no epithet was too strong and no punishment could be unmerited. The ill success of the American war, at length, combined effectually with the representations made of its folly and iniquity, by Mr. Fox and his colleagues, to bring it to a termination, and the party of opposition succeeded to the helm of government. The death of the marquis of Rockingham, who was the bond of union to this party, soon afterwards dissipated it; and lord Shelburne being appoint ed to the chief station in the government, Mr. Fox abandoned his situation and formed a political alliance with lord North, whose measures he had incessantly reprobated, and whose principles he had so frequently declared pregnant with all political and moral evil. This union, however, may be considered as reflecting more on the discretion of this great man than on his integrity. There appears no reason why men of the greatest abilities should not combine their talents in the service of their country, notwithstanding a long opposition on certain particular measures. The grand interests of the state are, in general, ob vious and admitted, and good manners and good temper are alone necessary to give the most beneficial effect to these alliances: but it appears requisite to this effect, that all the virulence of invective, and foulness of abuse, should not have been previous ly applied by one of these parties to the other; and that, notwithstanding the most determined opposition to measures, the promoters of them should be regarded as contemplating in them, however mistakenly, the national benefit. Had Mr. Fox's opposition been conducted within these limits, the measure of the union might have gained the approval instead of the reprobation of the country, and really have contributed, in a material degree, to its advantage. But after all that had passed between the partics, the British public could not pardon the forgiveness of Mr. Fox; and the introduction of the bill for the government of India, which was his own avowed and favourite offspring, and which was calculated to give an influence to the ministry, if not beyond the control of the crown, at least alarming to its prerogatives, completed his expulsion from power. In the case of the regency, Mr. Fox, at that period on his travels through Italy, was recalled with all possible urgency, and returned with the greatest dispatch. Here again, however, his transcendent ability seems to have failed him; and in. stead of abiding by the expediency of appointing the heir apparent to the administration of sovereign power, he adopted the ground of absolute right in the prince-thus infringing on popular privilege, and furnishing his rival with an oppor tunity of standing forward on cons stitutional principles, and connect. ing the rights of the people and the measures of the ministry on this im portant topic: an opportunity on this occasion not lightly to be lost, and which was employed with equal exultation and effect. In the trial of Mr. Hastings, Mr. Fox displayed all the eloquence and the energy, perseverance and sagacity, which that momentous case re. quired: and with respect to the Spanish and Russian armaments, his efforts were successful in preventing the desolation of war, for objects, the importance of which by no means appeared capable of justifying the solemn and final appeal to arms. The mission of Mr. Adair, however, to the court of Catherine the second, with a view to counteract the representations of an authorised diplomatic agent from the executive power of this country, was an unjustifiable interference with the rights of that pow er, and an assumption on the part of an individual subject, deserving, at least, of strong reprehension. At length was exhibited on the theatre of human affairs, that event which divided the opinions of the wisest and the friendships of the best of men, the French revolution. The glowing sentiments which animated Mr. Fox, at the dawn of liberty in France, did credit to his feelings, without detracting from the reputation of his wisdom. Within no long period, however, this event wore an aspect of alarm and danger. Attempts were made to sap the foundation of all legitimate authority. The understandings and the passions of men in France seemed to have for their object, to sweep away completely the institutions of ages; by which the greater part intended, probably, merely to clear a basis for the erection of some perfect system, which should preclude all public, if not personal, evil; while the designing few encouraged the general impulse, considering how they might build their own elevation on the ruins of preceding establishments. All those deviations of the human mind, which in all ages have tended to subvert the order of civil society; all the eccentricities of imagination on the important topics of property and marriage, on religion, politics, and morals, were circulated with extreme avidity; and he, whose suggestions were most in opposition to that experience, which, in all ages, is the only guide of life, was the most approved legislator of the day. These feelings were not confined within the limits of France, but were imported by the visitors from every neighbouring country; and every packet from France to England was said to be freighted with returning proselytes, who, in their turn, were zealous to become evangelists of the rights of man, and to lay the axe at the root of all hereditary institutions. In this peried of alarm, the course taken by Mr. Fox met with a decided opposition. The danger to the constitution existed not from prerogative, but from democratic phrensy. The crisis of the times required the reins of government to be held with a firm hand. It was a time which, it was asserted, might even suspend liberty to preserve order; without which, liberty is, in truth, only the most abhorred species of despotism. Yet the tide of the moment seemed to derivefresh impulse from the energies of Mr. Fox.. The measures of the government to keep aloof from this happy island the mania which was laying waste the continent, were opposed by him with the extremes of ardour and perseverance; and the "sovereignty of the people," so incapable of being denied, but so liable to be abused, was incessantly presented to their notice, as if with a view to stimulate to that resumption of power from the crown which Mr. For would have been the first to have resisted with his blood. The long secession of Mr. Fox from parliamentary duty, is a measure which can never be vindicated by those who think, that in no case the country should be despaired of; and such conduct must, perhaps, be ever considered rather as an evidence of personal mortification, or diseased sensibility, than as the result of just views of patriotism and human nature. During the protracted course of his opposition, however, the utility of his parliamentary vigilance must in many cases be admitted. The eloquence and zeal with which he advocated the cause of American rights and general toleration, can never be forgotten:. |