tion of a system, which, by threat ening the political existence of an integral part of the German empire, brings into question the security of the whole. I demand, most earnestly, the constitutional aid which is due to me as elector, from the emperor, its angust head, as well as Russia and Sweden, the powers who have guaranteed its constitution, and who have already manifested, and still continue to manifest, the most honourable disposition for the preservation of my

states.

Lastly, I protest in the most solemn manner, for myself, and my heirs, against every encroachment on my rights in the electorate of Brunswick-Lunenburgh, and its dependencies; and I repeat, in quality of elector, the declaration made by the minister of my crown at the court of Berlin, that no advantage, arising from political arrangements, much less any offer whatever of an indemnity or equivalent, shall ever engage me to forget what I owe to my dignity, the attachment and exemplary fidelity of my Hanoverian subjects, so as to yield my consent to the alienation of my electorate.

Given at the palace of Windsor, the 25th day of April 1806, in the 46th year of my reign. (L. S.) GEORGE R.

F. count de Munster.

DECLARATION OF HIS BRITANNIC

MAJESTY, OCT. 21.

The negotiations in which his majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, his majesty thinks proper to make this public declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led

to an issue which his majesty deeply regrets. He has no cbject nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the continuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which, even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so burthensome to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiment, either in his own dominions, or in any part of Europe, than that of an increased conviction that the restoration of general tranquillity is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy.

The French government, unsatisfied with its immense acquisitions on the continent, still openly perseveres in a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security, but for conquest; and negotiations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object than that of deluding the neighbouing powers into a state of false security, while France is herself preparing, arranging, and cuting her unremitted projects of encroachment and aggression.

exe

Her conduct in the recent discussions has afforded but too many proofs of this disposition.

The negotiation originated in an offer made by the French government of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession, which was stated to admit of mutual compensation; and a distinct assurance was added, that his majesty's German dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored.

Such a proposal appeared to his majesty to afford a just foundation

for

for negotiating it was therefore accepted, with this reserve, that the negotiation should be conducted by his majesty in concert with his allies.

No sooner had this basis been mutually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too in points of so great importance as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of his majesty, that unless the principles proposed by France herself were adhered to, the communications which had been opened between the two governments must at once be closed.

This produced new professions of the disposition of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the discussions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of full powers in the person entrusted by his majesty with this communication. Steps were thereupon taken by his majesty for opening a regular negotiation by ministers duly authorised, in order to ascertain in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honourable to the king and his allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe.

During these proceedings, a minister sent by the emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with his majesty's government, was induced by the artifices of the enemy to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honour and interests of his imperial majesty.

Únmoved by this unexpected event, the king continued to negotiate precisely on the same principles as before. He relied, with

confidence, which experience has amply justified, on the good faith and steadiness of an ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat, and whose interests he had main

tained throughout with the same firmness as his own.

The French government, on the contrary, elated by this advantage, of which it boasted as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more and more widely from its own offers and engagements. Not only did it take upon itself to change at its own will the basis of the negotiation with Great Britain, but violated in points still more important, every principle of good faith with Russia. The chief inducement offered to that power as the price of all the sacrifices extorted from her minister, had been the preservation of Germany. Yet, before the decision of Russia on this treaty could be known, France had already annihilated the whole frame and constitution of the German empire; had reduced under her own yoke a large proportion of the states and provinces of Germany; and, not with this open contempt of obligations so recently contracted, had, at the same time, instigated the Porte to measures directly subversive of her subsisting engagements with Russia.

While such a conduct was pursued towards his majesty, towards his allies, and towards all independent powers, there appeared so little hope of any favourable issue to the negotiation, that his majesty's plenipotentiaries demanded their passports to return to England.

This demand was at first eluded by an unusual and unexplained delay, and the French government afterwards, by some material concessions, accompanied with inti

mations

to the protection and support of the Divine Providence.

In contributing to the great efforts which such a contest must unavoidably require, his faithful and affectionate subjects will not forget that all their dearest interests are at stake; that no sacrifices they can be called upon to make are to be compared with the certain disgrace and ruin of yielding to the injurious pretences of the enemy; that with the inviolable maintenance of the good faith and public honour of their country, its prosperity, its strength, and its inde-pendence, are essentially connected; and that in asserting the rights, and upholding the dignity of the British empire, they defend the most powerful bulwark of the liberties of mankind.

TREATIES,. &c.

Presented by his majesty's command to both houses of parlialiament, January 28, 1806. Treaty of concert between his majesty and the emperor of all the Russias, signed at St. Petersburgh, the 11th April, 1805. In the name of The Most Holy

and Undivided Trinity.

His majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, animated with the desire of restoring to Europe the peace, independence, and happiness, of which it is deprived by the unbounded ambition of the French government, and the immoderate degree of influence which it is striving to arrogate to itself, have resolved to employ every means in their power to obtain this salutary end, and to pre

vent the renewal of similar disas trous circumstances; and they have named in consequence, for the purpose of fixing and agreeing upon those measures, which their magnanimous intentions may call for, viz. his majesty the king of the united kingdom of Great Bri tain and Ireland, the lord Gran ville Leveson Gower, member of parliament of the said united kingdom, one of his majesty's privy councillors, and his ambassador. extraordinary and plenipotentiary to his majesty the emperor of all the Russias; and his majesty the emperor of all the Russias, the sieur Adam prince of Czartoryski, one of his privy councillors, member of the council of state, senator, adjunct minister for foreign affairs, member of the general direction of the schools, curator of the imperial university of Wilna and of its district, lieutenant of the grand prior of the sovereign order of St. John of Jerusalem, of the Russian catholic priory, and knight of the order of St. Anne, and commander of that of St. John of Jerusalem; and

the sieur Nicolas of Novossilzoff, his present chamberlain, adjunct minister of justice, charged with the examination of the projects presented to his majesty, and with other special commissions, president of the academy of sciences, member of the general direction of the schools, curator of the univer sity of St. Petersburgh and of its district, and knight of the order of St. Vladimir, who, after having verified and exchanged their full powers, which were found to be in good and due form, have agreed upon the following articles:

Art. I. As the state of suffering in which Europe is placed de mands speedy remedy, their majesties the king of the united king

dom

dom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the emperor of all the Russias, have mutually agreed to consult upon the means of putting a stop thereto, without waiting for further encroachments on the part of the French government. They have agreed in consequence to employ the most speedy and most efficacious means to form a general league of the states of Europe, and to engage them to accede to the present concert; and, in order to accomplish the end proposed, to collect together a force, which, independently of the succours furnished by his Britannic majesty, may amount to 500,000 effective men; and to employ the same with energy, in order either to induce or to compel the French government to agree to the re-establishment of peace and of the equilibrium of Europe. Art. II. The object of this league will be to carry into effect what is proposed by the present concert, namely;

(a.) The evacuation of the country of Hanover and of the North of Germany.

(b.) The establishment of the independence of the republics of Holland and Switzerland.

(c.) The re-establishment of the king of Sardinia in Piedmont with as large an augmentation of territory as circumstances will permit.

(d) The future security of the kingdom of Naples, and the complete evacuation of Italy, the island of Elba included, by the French forces.

(c.) The establishment of an order of things in Europe, which may effectually guarantee the security and independence of the different states, and present a solid barrier against future usurpations.

Art. III. His Britannic majesty, in order to concur efficaciously on

4.

his side to the happy effects of the present concert, engages to contribute to the common efforts, by employing his forces both by sea and land, as well as his vessels adapted for transporting troops, in such manner as shall be determined upon in the general plan of operations; his majesty will moreover assist the different powers who shall accede thereto by subsidies, the amount of which shall corre spond to the respective forces which shall be employed; and in order that the said pecuniary succours may be proportioned in the manner most conducive to the general good, and to assist the powers in proportion to the exertions they may make to contribute to the common success, it is agreed, that these subsidies (barring particular ar rangements), shall be furnished in the proportion of 1,250,000l. sterling, for each 100,000 men of regular troops, and so in proportion for a greater or smaller number, payable according to the conditions hereinafter specihed.

An ar

Art. IV. The said subsidies shall be payable by instalments, from month to month, in proportion to the forces which each power shall employ in pursuance of its engage ments, to combat the common enemy, and according to the offi cial report of the armies employed at the opening of the campaign, and of the several reinforcements which may join them. rangement shall be made in conformity with the plan of operations, which shall be forthwith regulated as to the period when these subsi dies shall begin to be paid, and the mode and place of payment shall be settled, so as to suit the convenience of each of the belligerent parties. His Britannic majesty will likewise be prepared to advance within