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tion).

the minister for foreign affairs. Second inclesure (B.)-(Transla Your lordship will accordingly find inclosed a copy (marked D.) of an official note addressed by me to that

minister.

I have sent the courier, Lyell, for the purpose of conveying this information, and I have given him a letter to admisal Holloway, desiring him instantly to announce by the telegraph, that I shall leave Paris on Thursday morning.

I have taken this step, because it occurred to me that government being thus in possession of the intelligence, that the negotiation is ́at an end, ten hours before it can reach London, they may have it in their power to take the most prudent means to make the fact public. I have the honour to be, &c.

LAUDERDALE.

(Signed) First inclosure, (A.)-(Translation.)

Copy of a note from M. de Champagny to the earl of Lauderdale, dated Oct. 5, 1806.

Paris, Oct. 5, 18C6. M. de Champagny has the honour to transmit to his excellency the eari of Lauderdale the accompanying dispatch addressed to his excellency the minister for foreign affairs. He is also charged to inform him, that he is now authorised to deliver to him the passports which he has demanded. This, of all the duties which he had to discharge towards his excellency, is the only one which will have appeared painful to him; and it will be greatly so. He waits to be informed of the further dispositions of his excellency.

M. de Champagny begs lord Lauderdale to accept the assurances of his high consideration.

CHAMPAGNY.

Copy of a letter from M. Talleyrand to the earl of Lauderdale, cated Mentz, Oct. 1, 1806.

The undersigned, minister for foreign nifans, has laid before his majesty the emperor, king of Italy, the note which his excellency the earl of Lauderdale, minister plenipotentiary from Lis Britannic majesty, did him the honour to address to him on the 26th of this month.

His majesty, after having from a desire of peace listened to every proposition which could have rendered it durable, and of reciprocal advantage to the two contracting powers and to their allies, will see with pain the rupture of a negotia tion, to which his own dispositionhad led him to hope a more favourable conclusion. If the English cabinet is resolved to forgo the prospect of a peace, and if his Britannic majesty's minister plenipoten tiary must depart from France, his majesty still flatters himself that the English cabinet and lord Lauderdale will, when they shall measure the extent of the sacrifices which he was disposed to make, in order to facilitate the return of a sincere reconciliation, be convinced that his majesty, in order to prcmote the happiness of the world, would not hesitate between any advantages in comparison with those to be expected from peace, and that the desire to ensure its benefits to his people, could alone have determined his paternal heart to make sacrifices not only of self-love but of power, more considerable than even the opinion of the English nation could have pointed out in the midst of a war, in which he had obtained constant advantages

without

without any mixture of reverse. If, however, it is the destiny of the emperor and of the French nation still to live in the midst of the wars and tumults which the policy and influence of England have raised, his majesty having done every thing to put a stop to the calamitics of war, finding himself deceived in his dearest hopes, relies on the justice of his cause, on the courage, the affection, the power of his people. At the same time calling to mind the dispositions which he has everex. pressed throughout the nogotiation, his majesty cannot see but with regret, that England, who might have strengthened and confirmed her vast power by the blessings of peace, the want of which is felt by the present generation, and by the English people as well as all others, willingly suffers the most favourable opportunity of concluding it to pass by: the event will disclose whether a new coalition will be more disadvantageous to France than those which have preceded it. The event will also disclose, whether those who complain of the gran deur and ambition of France should not impute to their own hatred and injustice this very grandeur and ambition of which they accuse her. The power of France has only been increased by the reiterated efforts to oppress her. Nevertheless, whatever inferences for the future may be drawn from the examples of the past, his majesty will be ready, should the negotiations with England be broken off, to renew them in the midst of any events. He will be ready to replace them on the basis laid in concert with the illustrious minister

whom England has lost, who, having nothing to add to his glory, except the reconciliation of the two nations, had conceived the hope of

accomplishing it, but was snatched from the world in the midst of his work.

The undersigned has the honour to inform his excellency the earl of Lauderdale, that M. de Champagny has been authorised to deliver to him the passports which he has demanded.

The undersigned is desirous of renewing to his excellency the earl of Lauderdale, the assurance of his high consideration.

(Signed) C. M. TALLEYRAND, Prince of Benevento. Third inclosure (C.) is a note from the earl of Lauderdale to M. Champagny, dated Oct. 6, 1806.

Fourth inclosure (D.) Translation.) Copy of a note from the earl of Lauderdale to M. Talleyrand, dated Oct: 6, 1806.

Paris, 6th Oct. 1806. The undersigned, minister plenipotentiary of his Britannic majesty, received late last night the note which his excellency the minister for foreign affairs did him the honour to address to him on the first of this month.

The undersigned, learning that his excellency M. de Champagny is authorised to grant him the passports which he has demanded, and which he is on the point of receiving, cannot refrain from observing to his excellency the minis ter for foreign affairs, in answer to his note, that he has some difficul ty in imagining from what circumstances his excellency has been able to infer," that the British govern ment have resolved to forgo the prospect of peace."

The undersigned was sent to France to negotiate a peace, atatime when the illustrious minister to whom his excellency has paid so just a tribute of praise, presided over the

department for foreign affairs. This great man then acted under the full conviction, that he had received from France an offer of peace on the basis of uti possidetis, with the sole exception of Hanover and of its dependencies in favour of his Britannic majesty. And notwithstanding the success of the arms of his Britannic majesty as well in Italy as on the continent of South America, and the refusal of his majesty the emperor of all the Russias to ratify that treaty, which in the eyes of the French government was equivalent to the most splendid victory, not one new proposition has been advanced on the part of his majesty, incompatible with the principle which was at first proposed by the French government, through the channel of the earl of Yarmouth, as the basis of the negotiation. It is not sure ly from such conduct that the inference can be drawn, "that the British government have resolved to forgo the prospect of a peace."

Are the conditions which the undersigned was ordered to propose as the basis of a peace between his majesty the emperor of all the Russias and the French government more of a nature to have given rise to this suspicion? Quite the reverse. If a solid and durable peace was the object of the two powers, these were such conditions as justice and expediency demanded: justice, because certainly nothing could be more equitable than to grant to his Sicilian majesty and to the king of Sardinia a compensation for their immense losses on the continent: expediency, because in order to ensure the duration of peace, such an arrangement of boundaries as may prevent disputes must always be preferable to that which furnishes to one of the

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parties the means and the advantages of attack. It was on this principle that the proposed evacuation of Dalmatia and Albania, by the French troops, naturally suggested itself.

If, therefore, the undersigned has received orders to demand his passports, and to depart from France, it is certainly not because his sovereign wishes to renounce peace, but because his majesty finds himself obliged to do so; the French government not having consented to all the conditions which were comprised in the proposals originally made to them by his Britannic majesty, and having moreover rejected, as the basis for the treaty with Russia, the just and reasonable conditions which the undersigned was authorised to propose.

The undersigned has received with real satisfaction the general assurance of the disposition of the French government to renew the negotiation at a future period, as expressed in the official note of his excellency the minister for foreign affairs. He has seen with no less pleasure, that the tone and the moderation observed in this communication correspond with the sentiments which accompany them. On this subject his excellency may rest assured, that the French government could not in any way express a stronger desire to see an end put to the calamities of war, than that which his Britannic majesty will invariably feel, whenever peace can be concluded on conditions compatible with the honour of his crown and the interests of his subjects.

The undersigned ought here to conclude the official answer which he has thought necessary to make to the note of his excellency the minister for foreign affairs. But he can not pass over in silence

one part of this note, where his excellency wishes to convey the idea that the British government scems no longer disposed to act on the same principles which directed the conduct of the great man whom England has lately lost. The undersigned without being authorised to mention this subject, nor even to introduce it in an official paper, tructs in the known goodness and indulgence of his sovereign, when he allows himself to make the folJowing observations on this subject.

During twenty-six years of uninterrupted connection with Mr. Fox, the undersigned, as much as any one, has had an opportunity of confidentially learning the sentiments of that celebrated man. From his knowledge of them he is impressed with the strongest conviction, that no minister could give to the instructions of which he was to be the organ a more perfect assent, or concur more effectually in their execution, than Mr. Fox would have done, in giving to the undersigned, on the part of his Britannic majesty, such orders as the undersigned has in fact received, under circumstances in which peace (on the just and equitable conditions which had been

proposed to that minister) would have appeared to him practica

ble.

How much would this opinion have been strengthened in the mind of that minister, on perceiving the French government refuse the just demands of that illustrious ally, who, by his fidelity to his Britannic majesty, has deserved on the part of the king, that his interests should be as dear to him as his own.

The undersigned has the honour to acquaint his excellency the mi

nister for foreign affairs, that he this morning applied to his excellency M. de Champagny for his passports. At the same time he requests him to accept the assu rance of his high consideration. (Signed) LAUDERDALE.

No. 56.

Extract from a dispatch from Mr. Arbuthnot to Mr. secretary Fox, dated Bavukdere, August 25th, 1806. Received September 29th. This relates to the recall of the Hospodars of Wallachia and Moldavia, contrary to the convention with Russia. This was done by the influence of the French minister to the Porte, M. Sebastiani.

Speech of the speaker of the house of commons.

In the house of commons, May after 23, the secretary at war, paying many compliments to the zeal and ability of the managers of lord Melville's impeachment, moved that the thanks of the house be given to them, for their upright conduct.-The motion was carried with one dissentient voice,

The speaker then rose, and addressed the managers as follows:

"Gentlemen,

"This house, upon the result of grave and important inquiries into the administration of the public expenditure, came to the resolution of entering upon the most solemn of all its functions; and of resorting to that transcendent power, by which it can bring to judgment all misdeeds done by the highest vants of the crown, and most ef fectually avenge all inroads made, or attempted to be made, upon liberties of the people.

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"The conduct and management of that power it delegated to you; to prepare and arrange the proofs of complex and intricate facts; and to make good the charge of high crimes and misdemeanors against a noble person, whose elevated and splendid situations in the state rendered his actions of signal example, for good or for evil, to all persons intrusted with the public treasure.

"Throughout the progress of the trial so undertaken, we have seen with peculiar satisfaction, its proceedings conducted with an exemplary diligence and dispatch, which have rescued impeachments from the disgrace into which they had nearly fallen, and have restored them to their antient strength and honour. Upon your part we have also witnessed that unwearied in dustry, and singular sagacity, with which you have pursued and established the proofs;-that boldness so properly belonging to the commons, with which you have maintained the charge; and that powerful display of argument and learned eloquence which have spread the light of day over dark, secret, and criminal transactions.

"The issue of the whole is now with the lords; and, whether that be of condemnation or acquittal, it rests with a tribunal, which, so far as depends uponhuman institutions, promises the fairest hopes of ultimate justice.

"But, be that issue what it may, In the your part is accomplished. discharge of your duty, you have satisfied the expectation of the commons; you have obtained the high reward of their approbation and thanks; and, in obedience to their commands, I am now to acquaint you with their resolution; /

"That the thanks of this house be given to the members, who

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"Most gracious sovereign, "We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the lord mayor, aldermen, and commons of the city of London, in common council assembled, most humbiy approach your majesty with the warmest sentiments of loyalty and attachment to your majesty's sacred person and family.

"We beg to assure your majesty, that while we contemplate with the deepest concern and disappoint-" ment the late disastrous events, which have led in so rapid and extraordinary a manner to the defeat and humiliation of the Austrian power, we cannot refrain from offering to your majesty our sincere thanks and congratulations on the formation of an administration combining men of the highest con‐ sideration and talents; affording, amidst these adverse events, the cheering prospect, that by such an union of wisdom and energy in your majesty's councils, a system of vigour, vigilance, and economy will be adopted which may support our public affairs, preserve and strengthen our national security, and prove most conducive to the hononr and dignity of your na

jesty's

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