The Most High blessed our wishes and endeavours, and at that period bestowed upon Europe a general peace. However, it did not consist with his inscrutable providence to prolong the continuance of this order of things-war broke out again. But as our situation did not permit us to take any immediate part in the war, we never ceased to remain faithful to our allies; and to continue to wish and labour for peace and tranquillity, consistently with the common welfare, by every friendly interference in our power. But, notwithstanding this interference, the daily increase of the French power, the situation of our allies, threatened by its aggrandizement and its unbounded ambition, compelled us to take an active part in this war. We took up arms, but we did not cease to wish for peace; and we also declared, in our ukase of September 1, 1805, that the object of our arming was to preserve the sacred inviolability of treaties, and to restore the general tranquil lity. The misfortunes which attended the arms of the allies operated against the realization of our views: however, the principles upon which they were grounded remain ed unchanged. At the commence ment of the present year, the French government manifested an inclination approximating to peace: we accordingly issued orders to enter into discussions with them immedi. ately. The restoration of a peace consistent with the dignity and se, curity of our empire, the advantage of our allies, and the general tranquillity of Europe, were laid down as the fundamental bases of these discussions. But to our regret, the conditions of peace agreed to with France by M. d'Oubril were neither consistent with the dignity of our empire, nor with the security of our allies. We refused to ratify those conditions. But at the same time, to afford a proof of the im mutability of our principles, which, under various circumstances, had been ever directed to the same end, we at that time made known the conditions on which we were dispos ed to renew our negotiations with the French government. The bases proposed by us are so moderate, that they cannot be rejected with. out an open menace of the general safety; and they are so consistent with the advantage of every power concerned, that in case of their be. ing accepted, a general peace must not only follow, but be confirmed to Europe upon the most permanent footing. Thus must peace, or the continuance of the war, be the consequences of these measures. We wish for peace; but if no last, ing peace can be obtained, grounded upon mutual advantage, then it will be necessary, for the honour of the Russian name, the sacred character of our engagements, and the general deliverance of Europe, to proceed to extremities, which, on these considerations, cannot but appear to us as absolutely indispensa ble. We are convinced that each of our faithful subjects, animated with the love of their country, impelled by a sense of honour, and surrounded by examples of patriotic zeal, will speedily unite their powerful efforts with our own, as soon as the safety of Russia, the voice of glory, and our command, shall call upon them to co-operate for the public good. In this firm reliance upon the help of God, and the zeal of our faithful subjects, we have thought it necessary to apprise you before-hand of our views; and in so doing to afford you a new proof, that in all our undertakings we neither seek the extension of our terri tory, tory, nor the fleeting glory of victories; but that it is our wish and endeavour to secure the general safety, the preservation of our allies, and the dignity of our empire. Given at St. Petersburg, August 30, and in the sixth year of our government. ALEXANDER. Countersigned by the miniser for foreign affairs, ANDRE BUDBERG. Note delivered by order of his Swedish majesty to the ministers of the two allied courts accredited to the king. The entrance of the Swedish troops into the duchy of Lauenburg, and the peaceable re-occupa tion of that country in the name of his Britannic majesty, having restored affairs to the situation in which they were previous to the commencement of hostilities between Sweden and Prussia, and produced a result satisfactory to the king and his ally, the, undersigned has the honour to inform N. N. by the express order of his majesty, that he has caused to cease the measures hitherto adopted against the ports and commerce of his majesty the king of Prussia, of which N. N. was informed at the time by the notes of his excellency the grand marshal count de Fersen, dated the 27th of April, and 6th of May last. In consequence, the necessary orders have been given to raise entirely the blockade of the ports of Prussia, as also to take off the embargo laid on the vessels of that which were in the ports power, of Sweden. Requesting N. N. to convey to the knowledge of his court the contents of this note, the under signed avails himself of the present opportunity to repeat, &c. Head-quarters, at Griefswald, Sept. 3, 1806. NOTE. His majesty the king of Sweden having caused this duchy to be taken possession of by his troops in the name of our most gracious sovereign and master, has given us orders to resume again the administration, and to replace things in their former state. In consequence the orders of the commission of or ganization and administration will cease to be executed, the royal seal of our sovereign will be again brought into use, all the marks of foreign sovereignty will be remov ed, in a peaceable manner, however, and without suffering any excesses in the execution of these measures, in which case the Swedish force may be called out. The old custom-house arms shall be replac ed; and to prevent all ulterior difficulties whatever, we think it our duty not to permit the sending to Hanover of the money belonging to the publick chests, until further orders. Ratzeburg, Aug. 31, 1806. By the high bailiff of his majesty the king of Great Britain, elector of Brunswick Lunenburg, deputed to the government of the duchy of Lauenburg, the privy-councillors, and councillors of administration. (Signed) VON HAKE. Letter from M. De Wetterstedt, private secretary to his Swedish majesty, to M. d'Alopeus, Russian minister to Sweden, at Nieuburg. "Head-quarters, Griefswald, April 6, 1806. Sir,I have this day received the letter letter of the 3d instant, which you did me the honour of writing to me, and which I lost no time in laying before the king my master. It is by his orders that I take the earliest opportunity of communicating to you his intentions respecting the important subject of your official dispatch. His majesty was not in the least surprised at the demand made by the Prussian government, concerning the evacuation of the territory of Lauenburg, for he has been a long time in expectation of it; and particularly as he considers his new proceeding as a natural consequence of the system of his Prussian majesty. Any attack upon the Swedish troops in the Lauenburg would be, in effect, a formal declaration of war against Sweden, and would put the final seal to this system, by proving that the court of Berlin is even ready to shed blood to promote to their full extent the ambitious views of Bonaparte. His majesty has nothing to reproach himself with. He has only followed what the principles and the interests of his ally dictated to him. With such motives for his guide, his majesty will make no alteration in the measures he has adopted, and will not assuredly, upon the eve of hostilities, make choice of that moment to withdraw his troops from a province, which consequently would fall under the authority of a power as foreign to the wishes of its inhabitants, as it is contrary to the express will of its sovereign. The result of these observations is, that the king has ordered me to communicate to you, that his majesty is determined to abide the consequences of the approaching events; that strong in the justice of his cause, and relying implicitly upon the decrees of providence, he is resolved to meet whatever circumstances may result from the present crisis of affairs. WETTERSTEDT. CONFEDERATION OF THE RHINE. The new treaty of confederation signed at Paris, on the 12th of July, and exchanged at Munich on the 25th of the same month, consists of forty articles. The preamble states, that experience having shown that the Germanic constitution can give no kind of security for either internal or external peace to the south of Germany, the contracting parties to this treaty, viz. his majesty the emperor of the French on the one part, and on the other the kings of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, the elec.. tor arch-chancellor and the elector of Baden, the duke of Berg, the landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt, the princes of Nassau, Weilberg-Usin gen, of Hohenzollern, Hechingen, Siezmaringen, of Salm Salm, and Salm Herburg, of Isenburg Bristein, and of Lichtenstein, the duke of Ahrentberg, and the count of Leyn, have agreed to the following articles: Art. 1. The states of the above princes are for ever separated from the German political body, and united by a particular confedera tion, under the name of the Confederated States of the Rhine. Art. 2. All the laws of the em pire are abrogated and null with respect to these states. Art. 3. Each of the contracting princes renounces all such titles as have a relation to the old constitu tion of the empire; and on the first of August ensuing they will formally declare their separation from the German empire. Art, Art. 4. The elector arch-chancellor receives the title of prince primate and most eminent highness; which, however, confers no prerogative inconsistent with the full sovereignty enjoyed by the other contracting parties. Art. 5. The elector of Baden, the duke of Berg, and the landgrave of Hesse Darmstadt, take the title of grand dukes and royal highnesses, and enjoy all the rights, prerogatives, and homage due to the regal dignity. Rank and precedence among them shall be according as they are named in the first article. The head of the house of Nassau shall take the title of duke, and the count of Leyn that of prince. Art. 6. The common interests of the confederated states shall be discussed in an assembly of the league or diet, the seat of which shall be at Frankfort, and the assembly shall be divided into two colleges, that of the kings, and that of the princes. Art. 7. The members of this confederation shall be independent of any foreign power, nor enter into any kind of service, except with the states in the confederation. Art. 8. No member shall alienate his sovereignty, either in whole or in part, except in favour of a confederate. Art. 9. All disputes which may arise between the members of the confederation shall be decided in the assembly of the league, at Frankfort. Art. 10. The prince primate shall be president in the college of kings, and the duke of Nassau in that of the princes. Art. 11. Within a month after the declaration has been made at Ratisbon, the prince primate of the confederation shall draw up a constitution-statute, which shall deter mine when the assembly shall be convoked, and the objects and form of its deliberation. Art. 12. The emperor Napoleon shall be declared protector of the alliance; and in quality of protector, whenever the prince primate dies, he shall appoint his successor. The articles, &c. to 23 inclusive stipulate the different cessions and acquisitions of the confederates. Thus Nassau cedes to Berg the town of Deuss and its territory. Bavaria acquires the imperial city of Nuremberg and its territory, and the prince primate the imperial city of Frankfort. Art. 21. The members of the confederation subject to their sovereignty all the princes, counts, and lords, within the circle of the allied territory. [Then follows a detail of the division, by which several of the more considerable principalities are divided among two, three, or more new sovereigns; as for example, the territories of Hohenlohe between Bavaria and Wurtemberg; those of Saxis among three, and those of Furstenburg among four different sovereigns.] Art. 26. Defines the rights of sovereignty, legislation, judicial authority, the police, military conscription, and impost. Art. 27. The subjected princes and counts shall retain their domains, seignorial rights, &c. The 35th article stipulates, that there shall be an alliance between the emperor of the French and the confederated states, by virtue of which every continental war in which either of the two parties shall be engaged, shall be common to both. Art. 36. Should a foreign or neighbouring power arm, the contracting parties shall likewise arm, to prevent surprise. The notifiça tion for such arming shall be made by the emperor Napoleon. The contingent of the allies shall be divided into four parts, and the assembly of the league shall determine how many of those parts shall be put in motion. Art. 37. Bavaria engages to fortify the cities of Augsburgh and Lindau, and to make them depôts of artillery, arms, ammunition, and provisions. Art. 38. The contingents of the several allied powers shall be as follows:-France, 200,000 men; Bavaria, 30,000; Wurtemberg, 12,000; Baden, 8,000; Berg, 5,000; Darmstadt, 4,000; Nassau-Hohenzollern, and others, 4,000. Art. 39. The contracting parties will admit other German princes and states into the alliance, when it shall be found suitable to the common interest. Art. 40. The ratification of this treaty shall be exchanged at Munich on the 25th July. Signed by the Plenipotentiaries of the contracting parties. Paris, July 12th, 1806. The instrument of the act of ratification was signed by the emperor at St. Cloud, on the 19th of July, and countersigned by the minister Talleyrand, and secretary of state. CIRCULAR NOTE, MARET. Addressed to their majesties, imperial and royal highnesses, dukes and most serene princes, associated in the confederation of the Rhine, on the part of the prince primate of the confederation. The prince primate of the confederation has the honour to inform their majesties, imperial and serene highnesses, &c. &c. that his minister plenipotentiary baron d'Albini 6 repaired to Frankfort at the begin-- "If the formation of a fundamental statute cannot be the work of a day, and that an object of such importance requires the most mature reflection, it is notwithstanding equally true, that it is desirable that the confederation should from its commencement be established upon an immoveable basis. Its object is to obtain tranquillity and serenity, the true happiness of nations, and to enable sovereigns to occupy themselves without interruption in the prosperity of their states, in increasing the happiness of the towns and country, by the enlightened attention of a prudent and paternal government, and by the encouragement of useful arts and sciences, the true sources of the splendour of august dynasties and sovereign houses. The south of Germany, after ages of misfortunes, troubles, and wars, cannot but ardently wish that its eternal happiness should be established upon an imperishable basis. The prince primate submits to the wisdom of the confederated kings |