plause. A memorable one, under the title of An address from several patriotic societies in England," was presented at the bar of the convention on the 7th of November, containing the most unjustifiable reflections on the constitution and government of their own country. "Whilst foreign plunderers ravage your territories, an oppressed part of mankind, forgetting their own evils, are sensible only of yours, and address their fervent prayers to the God of the universe, that he may be favorable to your cause, with which theirs is so intimately connected. Degraded by an oppressive system of inquisition, the insensible but continual incroachments of which quickly deprived this nation of its boasted liberty, and reduced it almost to that abject state of slavery from which you have so gloriously emancipated yourselves, five thousand English citizens, fired with indignation, have the courage to step forward to rescue their country from that opprobrium which has been thrown on it by the base conduct of those who are invested with power. We see with concern that the elector of Hanover unites his troops to those of traitors and robbers; but the king of England will do well to remember that England is not Hanover. Should he forget this, we will not forget it." In returning an answer to this insolent address, the president of the convention imprudently made use of expressions which were full of respect. "The sentiments of five thousand Britons devoted openly to the cause of mankind, exist, without doubt, in the hearts of all the freemen in England."

A deputation from the "Society for constitutional information," having presented an address at the bar of the convention, congratulated that assembly" on the glorious triumph of liberty on the 10th of August," and observed, "That, notwithstanding the hireling pens which may be employed by the power of government to contradict them, they speak the sentiments of a majority of the English nation." Expressions still more scandalously seditious are to be found in the introductory speech of the deputies, citizens John Frost and Joel Barlow. They even presumed to predict," That, after the example given by France, revolutions will become easy. Reason (say these wonderful seers) is about to make a rapid progress; and it would not be extraordinary, if, in a much less space of time than can be imagined, the French should send addresses of congratulation to a national convention of England." M. Gregoire, the president, paid many compliments to the English nation, as a country which has afforded many distinguished and illustrious examples to the whole world. "The shades of Hampden and of Sydney hover over your heads; and the moment, without doubt, approaches, in which the French

will bring congratulations to the national con- BOOK I. vention of Great Britain. Generous republicans! your appearance among us prepares a subject of CHAP. III. history." The speech, the address, and the answer returned by the president, were ordered to be printed, to be sent to the eighty-three departments, and translated into all languages.

On the same day a deputation appeared at the bar from the British and Irish resident at Paris, and declared their persuasion, amidst the loudest applause, “That the disgraceful memory of those pretended governments, the offspring of the combined frauds of priests and tyrants, will in a short time alone remain. Our wishes, citizens legislators, render us impatient to behold the happy moment of this grand change, in the hope that, on its arrival, we shall see an intimate union formed between the French republic and the English, Irish, and Scottish Nations. Nor are we alone animated by these sentiments;-we doubt not they would be equally conspicuous in the great majority of our fellow countrymen, if the public opinion were to be consulted there, as it ought, in a national convention." To this the president made answer:-"Principles are waging war against tyranny, which will fall under the blows of philosophy. Royalty in Europe is either destroyed, or on the point of perishing on the ruins of feudality; and the declaration of rights, placed by the side of thrones, is a devouring fire which shall consume them. Worthy republicans! congratulate yourselves on thinking that the festival which you have made in honour of the French revolution is the prelude to the festival of nations.”

The rash, impolitic, and insulting conduct of the convention was deemed the ne plus ultra of depravity and wickedness by the English government. A royal proclamation was therefore issued, December 1, 1792, purporting," That notwithstanding the late proclamation of the 21st May, the utmost industry was still employed by evil-disposed persons within the kingdom, acting in concert with persons in foreign parts, with a view to subvert the laws and constitution; and that a spirit of tumult and disorder, thereby excited, had lately shewn itself in acts of riot and insurrection.-And that these causes moving him thereto, his majesty had resolved forthwith to embody part of the militia of the kingdom."

This proclamation was accompanied by another, for convening parliament on the 13th of December, which stood prorogued to January 3, 1793, the law requiring that if the militia be drawn out during the recess, parliament should be assembled in the course of fourteen days. By desire of the minister, troops were marched to the metropolis, the guard of the Bank was doubled, and the fortifications of the Tower repaired. This procedure rendered the public

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BOOK I. alarm inexpressible. On the meeting of parliament the expressions of the first proclamation CHAP. III. were repeated in the speech of his majesty from the throne, at the termination of which the genuine designs of the court were fully developed. "I have," said his majesty, "carefully observed a strict neutrality in the present war on the continent, and have uniformly abstained from any interference with respect to the internal government of France; but it is impossible for me to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which have appeared there of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and pursue views of conquest and aggrandizement, as well as to adopt towards my allies the States General, measures which were neither conformable to the law of nations, nor to the positive stipulations of existing treaties. Under these circumstances, his majesty thought it right to have recourse to those means of prevention and internal defence with which he was intrusted by law, and to make some augmentation of his naval and military force."

A debate of considerable length ensued. An address was moved in answer to the speech, when Mr. Fox, after many judicious observations, moved this simple amendment: "That enquiry should be made into parts stated in his majesty's speech;" which was negatived by a majority of 290 to 50.

Though the determination of the English court became abundantly apparent, yet nothing was left unattempted by the French government to maintain a good understanding with Britain. M. Chauvelin presented a memorial to Lord Grenville, on the 27th of December, in which he acquainted his lordship, "that the executive council of the French republic, thinking it a duty which they owe to the French nation, not to leave it in the state of suspense into which it has been thrown by the late measures of the British government, have authorised him to demand with openness, whether France ought to consider England as a neutral or hostile power? at the same time being solicitous that not the smallest doubt should exist respecting the disposition of France towards England, and of its desire to remain in peace." M. Chauvelin said, in alluding to the decree of the 19th of November," that the French nation absolutely reject the idea of that false interpretation by which it might be supposed that the French republic should favor insurrection, or excite disturbance in any neutral or friendly country whatever. In particular, they declare in the most solemn manner, that France will not attack Holland, so long as that power adheres to the principles of her neutrality." M. Chauvelin affirmed, respecting the navigation of the Scheldt, that it "is a question of

too little importance to be made the sole cause of a war, and that it could only be used as a pretext for a premeditated aggression. On this fatal supposition the French nation will accept war; but such a war would be the war, not of the British nation, but of the British ministry, against the French republic; and of, this he conjures them well to consider the terrible responsibility." The answer which Lord Grenville returned to this communication was looked upon as very provoking. He reminded him that his majesty had suspended all official communication with France, since the unhappy events which took place on the 10th of August; and acquainted him, that he could not be treated with in the form stated in his note. "If France," said his lordship, "is really desirous of maintaining friendship and peace with England, she must show herself disposed to renounce her views of aggression and aggrandizement, and to confine herself within her own territory, without insulting other governments, without disturbing their tranquillity, without violating their rights." France being thus imperiously commanded to relinquish her late conquests as the sine qua non of peace, it was not absurd to conclude that negociation was at an end. Much temper and moderation, however, were discovered by the French government, even in the midst of victory, and in her transactions with Great Britain, which were both astonishing and commendable. The answer of M. le Brun, minister for foreign affairs, to the letter transmitted by Lord Grenville, bearing date the 4th of January, 1793, discovered much condescension, directly opposite to the peremptory style exhibited by the communications of the British minister. The executive council" repeat the assurances of their sincere desire to maintain peace and harmony between France and England. It is with great reluctance that the republic would see itself forced to a rupture, much more contrary to its inclination than its interest."

In consequence of Lord Grenville's refusal to acknowledge M. Chauvelin in his diplomatie capacity, the executive council remarked, “That in the negociations now carrying on at Madrid, the principal minister of his catholic majesty did not hesitate to address M. Bourgoign, the ambassador of the republic at that court, by the title of minister plenipotentiary of France. But, that a defect in point of form might not impede a negociation, on the success of which depended the tranquillity of two great nations, they had sent credential letters to M. Chauvelin, to enable him to treat according to the severity of diplomatic forms." The council again declare, "that the decree of 19th November had been misunderstood; and that it was far from being intended to favor sedition, being merely applicable to the

single case where the general will of a nation, clearly and unequivocally expressed, should call for the assistance and fraternity of the French nation. Sedition can never exist in the expression of the general will. The Dutch were certainly not seditious when they formed the generous resolution of throwing off the Spanish yoke; nor was it accounted as a crime to Henry IV. or to Queen Elizabeth, that they listened to their solicitations of assistance." The council maintain, respecting the right of navigation on the Scheldt, "that it is a question of absolute indifference to England, little interesting even to Holland, but of great importance to the Belgians, who were not parties to the treaty of Westphalia, by which they were divested of that right; but when that nation shall find itself in full possession of its liberty, and, from any motive whatever, shall consent to deprive themselves of the navigation of the Scheldt, France will not oppose it. With respect to the charge of aggrandizement, France has renounced, and still renounces, all conquest; and its occupying the Netherlands will continue no longer than the war. If these explanations appear insufficient, after having done every thing in our power to maintain peace, we will prepare for war. We shall combat with regret the English, whom we esteem, but we shall combat them without fear."

Lord Grenville, in his reply, complained that nothing more was offered than an illusory nego ciation; and another letter from his lordship, dated January 24, 1793, terminated the conference, in which his lordship wrote, "I am charged to notify to you, sir, that the character with which you had been invested at this court, and the functions of which have been so long suspended, being now entirely terminated by the fatal death of his most christian majesty, you have no longer any public character here; and his majesty has thought fit to order that you should retire from this kingdom within the term of eight days."

On the departure of M. Chauvelin, a memorial was presented by Lord Auckland to the StatesGeneral, informing their high mightinesses, "That not four years ago some wretches, assuming the title of philosophers, had the presumption to think themselves capable of establishing a new system of civil society. In order to realize that dream of their vanity, they found it necessary to overthrow and destroy all received notions of subordination, manners, and religion, which have hitherte formed all the security, happiness, and consolation of the human race. Their destructive projects have too well succeeded; but the effects of the new system, which they endeavoured to introduce, served only to show the imbecility and villainy of its authors. The events which so rapidly followed each other, since that epoch, surpass in atrocity all that have ever polluted the

pages of history. Property, liberty, security, even BOOK I. life itself, have been deemed playthings in the hands of infamous men, who are slaves to the CHAP. III. most licentious passions-of rapine, enmity, and ambition."

Though his lordship's language was deemed indecorous by the enemies of the war, which was now threatened, yet the truth of it was indisputable; while, it is remarkable, that not one of the predictions which came from the lips of those great men, respecting the wars occasioned by the French revolution, was ever verified.

On the 1st of February, 1793, a decree passed the convention unanimously, declaring the republic of France at war with the King of Great Britain, and the Stadtholder of Holland. On this very day it was that the British parliament was taken up with the consideration of a message from his majesty, in which it was said, "That his majesty had caused to be laid before them copies of several papers which had passed between M. Chauvelin and the minister for foreign affairs, and of the order of departure transmitted to M. Chauvelin." And his majesty moreover declared, that in the present situation of affairs he thought it indispensable to make a further augmentation of his forces by sea and land, for maintaining the rights of his own dominions, for supporting his allies, and for opposing views of aggrandizement and ambition on the part of France, at all times dangerous to the interests of Europe, but peculiarly so when connected with the propagation of principles subversive of the peace and order of all civil society.

On this occasion the chancellor of the exchequer, in a very animated speech, proved the unavoidable necessity of a war. The death of Louis XVI. was represented by him " as an event so full of grief and horror, that he wished it were possible to tear it from their memories, and expunge it from the page of history; but that event was unfortunately passed, and the present age must be for ever contaminated with the guilt and ignominy of having witnessed it. In this dreadful transaction they saw concentrated the effect of those principles, pushed to their utmost extent, which set out with dissolving all the bonds by which society was held together,principles established in opposition to every law human and divine, and which, presumptuously relying on the authority of wild and delusive theories, rejected all the advantages of the wisdom and experience of former ages, and even the sacred instructions of revelation." After indulging himself much in this species of declamation, he added, “ During the whole summer, while France had been engaged in the war with Austria and Prussia, his majesty had in no shape departed from the neutrality which he had engaged to observe. But what had been the conduct of the French? The

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BOOK I. first instance of their success in Savoy had been sufficient to demonstrate the insincerity of their CHAP. III. assurances, and to unfold the plan of their ambition. They had immediately resolved to annex it for ever to their dominions. That they might not leave any doubt of their intentions, by a formal decree they had stated their plan of overturning every government; threatening destruction to all who refused their fraternization, which, by a horrid mockery they pretended to offer. They had rendered the Netherlands a province, in substance as well as in name, to France; and they had shewn a disposition to add to its territory every country which should be so unfortunate as to experience the force of its arms; for the wild and destructive ambition of the present rulers in France was limited only by their power. Some pretended explanations had indeed been given of the decree of the 19th of November; but, as had been already stated by the noble secretary of state, they contained only an avowal and a repetition of the offence. The whole of their language, institutions, and conduct, had been directed to the subversion of every government. To monarchy particularly they had testified the most violent and decided enmity: the bloody sentence executed by the hand of the assassin against their late monarch, was passed against the sovereigns of all countries. No political association in this kingdom, however contemptible, had sent addresses containing sentiments of sedition and treason to their assembly, which had not been received with even a degree of theatrical extravagance, and cherished with all the enthusiasm of congenial feeling. In relation to the violated rights of his majesty and his allies, involved in the question relative to the Scheldt, he asserted the exclusive claim of the Dutch to the navigation of that river, guaranteed by the most solemn treaties; to which the French, who could have no pretence to interfere in this matter, but in the assumed character of sovereigns of the Low Countries, or arbiters of Europe, opposed certain visionary theoretic principles, such as destroyed the force of all positive obligations, though they had repeatedly pledged themselves to the observance of all the subsisting treaties. He granted that the Dutch had made no formal requisition of support in the actual circumstances, contenting themselves with protesting against the invasion of their rights; but, because they were timid, were we to leave them exposed to the certain ruin that awaited them? The French had stated that they would evacuate the Netherlands at the conclusion of the war. Upon a promise so illusory there could not be placed the mallest dependence; and they had made no apology for the manner in which they had received seditious addresses from this country. These addresses they received as expressive of

the sentiments of the people of Great Britain, the great majority of whom, he was happy to say, detested the principles contained in them. Thus, in all those three assurances which they had given,-1st. Of their intention to resist any syatem of aggrandizement; 2dly, To abstain from all interference in the government of any neutral country; and, 3dly, To respect the rights of his majesty and his allies; they had entirely failed, and on every point completely reversed that plan of conduct which they had so solemnly pledged themselves to adopt. In the paper transmitted by the executive council, they had given their ultimatum; so that we must either accept the satisfaction they offer, or a war must be the consequence. As to the time, the precise moment, he should not pretend to fix it. A satisfactory explanation would not even now be refused; but he should deceive them if he should say that he thought any such explanation would be given, or that a war could be avoided."

The intelligence having arrived of the declaration of war by France against Great Britain and Holland, a royal message was delivered to both houses of parliament, February 11, declaring, "That the assembly now exercising the powers of government in France have, without previous notice, directed acts of hostility to be committed against the persons and property of his majesty's subjects, in breach of the law of nations, and of the most positive stipulations of treaty; and have since, on the most groundless pretences, actually declared war against his majesty and the United Provinces. Under the circumstances of this wanton and unprovoked aggression, his majesty has taken the necessary steps to maintain the honor of his crown, and to vindicate the rights of his people. And his majesty relies with confidence on the firm and effectual support of the House of Commons, and on the zealous exertions of a brave and loyal people, in prosecuting a JUST AND NECESSARY WAR; and in endeavoring, under the blessing of Providence, to oppose an effectual barrier to the progress of a system which strikes at the security and peace of all independent nations, and is pursued in open defiance of every principle of moderation, good faith, humanity, and justice. In a cause of such general concern, his majesty has every reason to hope for the cordial co-operation of those powers who are united with his majesty by the ties of alliance, or who feel an interest in preventing the extension of anarchy and confusion, and in contributing to the security and tranquillity of Europe.

Mr. Fox did not consider a declaration of war on the part of France unprovoked. The refusal to export corn to France, and the order issued for M. Chauvelin to quit the kingdom, was tantas mount to the declaration of hostilities on the part of Britain. Mr. Burke defended the conduct of

ministers. "No man," he declared," had a more lively sense of the evils of war than himself. A war with France, in present circumstances, must be terrible; but peace much more so. A nation that had abandoned all its valuable distinctions, arts, sciences, religion, law, order-every thing but the sword, was most dreadful to all countries composed of citizens who only used soldiers as a defence. He had no hesitation to pronounce, as in the divine presence, that ministers had not precipitated the nation into a war, but were brought to it by an over-ruling necessity. He had been grieved to the soul, for four years past, that his utmost exertions were unable to produce upon the government of the country, or in the public mind, a sense of the danger that approached them. At length the infatuation was removed,-ministers awoke to the peril that menaced; and he pledged himself, therefore, to give them his clear, steady, uniform, unequivocal support. If any charge was to be laid to the share of ministers, it was that of too long delay; but in his early opposition to the views and proceedings of France, he was convinced that he was not accompanied by the feelings of the nation; nor was it till fullblown mischief had alarmed the people and roused the king, that the government could have had a proper support. From those men who could neither vindicate the principles, nor deny

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the power of France, but yet impeded the mea BOOK I. sures taken to secure us against that power, he differed fundamentally and essentially in every CHAP. III. principle of morals, in every principle of manners, sentiment, disposition, and in taste. France, he said, had been for some time in a continual series of hostile acts against this country, both internal and external.-The putting the King of France to death was done, not as an example to France, not to extinguish the race, not to put an end to monarchy, but as a terror to monarchs, and particularly to the monarch of Great Britain. Mr. Fox (he said) had spoken with some asperity of an intention in ministers to restore the ancient government. He would not compare that government with the government of Great Britain; but certain he was, that it would be comfort and felicity compared with the tyranny at present exercised in France. Their enormities have already produced universal misery; their misery will drive them to despair; and out of that despair they will look for a remedy in the destruction of all other countries, and particularly that of Great Britain."

His Britannic majes y was pleased to order that general reprisals be made against the ships, goods, and subjects of France; and it was thought that France, already weakened by the struggle, would be crushed aad overwhelmed by the additional weight of England.

THE members of the executive council, aware of the strength of England, determined on carrying the French arms into the heart of Holland, for the purpose of expelling the Stadtholder and annihilating the influence of Great Britain. Preparations for this purpose were made by Dumouriez, with uncommon celerity; and previous to the commencement of hostilities, the French general addressed a declaration to the inhabitants of Holland, with the view of separating the interests of the republic from those of the Stadtholder. In this declaration he said,

"I enter your country surrounded by the generous martyrs of the revolution of 1787; their perseverance and their sacrifices merit both your confidence and union. I enter your country at the head of sixty thousand free and victorious Frenchmen; sixty thousand more are prepared to defend Belgium, and they also will be ready to follow me should I meet with any resistance. 1

"We are not the aggressors; for a long time past, the Orange faction hath waged a perfidious and underhand war against us. It is in the Hague that those conspiracies in opposition to your liberties originated; and at the Hague will we look for the authors of your evils.

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People of Batavia! place confidence in a man whose name is not unknown to you; who never failed to perform that which he promised, and who leads to combat those very freemen before whom the Prussians, the satellites of your tyrant, have once before fled and will again flee. 'The Belgians already consider us as their deliverers, and I hope you will soon call us yours also."

The French general's troops consisted of no more than 21 battalions, two of which were only in the line, and of these one had never been in action. As the regiments were incomplete the whole amounted to but 13,700: no more than