feared that Russia was about to declare in favor of France. The first consul had done all in his power to undermine the naval power of England, endeavouring to obtain by intrigue what he could not by arms. The neutral states took the up consul's cause by the northern confederacy, and Great Britain had to contend against nations united in powerful combination. They pledged themselves to resist the searching neutral ships, when one or more ships were in company, and to convey property into France. When the consul had so far succeeded, he treated the American ministers with a dinner before they left Paris, and what was expected of them was hinted in a toast given by the consul, Le Brun ; " To the union of America with the powers of the north, that respect may be procured for the liberty of the seas."

Soon after the armistice of Steyer, as narrated in Chap. VII. a new engagement was entered into at Treviso, January 7-6, 1801, between the Generals Brune and Bellegarde, and a cessation of hostilities was obtained in Italy, by the surrender of Peschiera, Sermione, Verona, Legnano, Ferrara, and Ancona. These armistices led to a final pacification, and articles of peace, after many delays, were concluded at Luneville, between the Emperor of Austria and the first consul of the French republic, including all the principal conditions of the treaty of Campo Formio. The plenipotentiaries named, were the Count Cobenzel and Joseph Bonaparte.

By this famous treaty, containing nineteen articles, it was agreed that there was to be a permanent peace between the French republic and the emperor; the utmost harmony to be observed, and no assistance to be given to those who could disturb it. The Belgic provinces were to be given up to the French, Falkenstein and its dependencies, the Frickthal, and all that belonged to the house of Austria on the left bank of the Rhine, between Zurzach and Basle. The emperor was to possess Istria, Dalmatia, and the Venetian Isles dependent on those countries; the Bocca de Cattaro, the city of Venice, the Adriatic Sea, and the Adige, from its leaving the Tyrole to the mouth of the said sea, the towing-path of the Adige being the line of limitation. Drawbridges to be established in the middle of the cities of Verona and Porto Legnano, to mark the separation of this line. The Brisgau to be given to the Duke of Modena. Tuscany and the Island of Elba to be possessed by the infant Duke of Parma. The grand duke to obtain a full indemnity in Germany for his Italian states. The French to possess all on the left bank of the Rhine; the towing-path of the Rhine to be the limit between the French republic and the Germanic empire, from where the Rhine leaves Switzerland till it enters the Batavian territory. The French republic to renounce all possession on

1801.

the right bank of the Rhine, and restore Dussel- BOOK IV. dorff, Ehrenbreitstein, Philipsburgh, the fort of Cassel, the fort of Kehl, and Old Brisach; these CHAP. X. places to remain in the same state they were at the time of their evacuation. The emperor to give indemnity to the hereditary princes dispossessed on the left bank of the Rhine, which should be taken from all the empire, according to arrangements to be determined on when the ratification should be exchanged. Sequestration of property to be taken off on both sides. This treaty to be common to the Batavian, Helvetic, Cisalpine, and Ligurian republics. The said republics to be guaranteed by both parties. The emperor to renounce all rights which he might have on the countries he possessed before the war, forming part of the Cisalpine republic. The navigation of the Adige and the rivers of the Cisalpine republic to be free, and no toll on any ship of war kept there. All prisoners to be restored within forty days. The other articles were of no great consequence. The Duchy of Tuscany, which was bestowed upon Louis I., the hereditary Prince of Parma, was now converted into a kingdom under the appellation of Etruria.

The ending of a war carried on for near ten years, proved a subject of great exultation to the French nation. The first consul immediately stated the joyful news to the legislative body, the tribunate, and the conservative senate. His address abounded with a flowing description of facts; and he held out, that England alone disturbed the tranquillity of mankind.

"The continental peace," he exclaimed, "has been signed at Luneville. It is such as the French people desired. Their first wish was the boundary of the Rhine. Reverses never shook their resolution: victory never added to their pretensions.

"After having re-established the antient limits of Gaul, they had to give freedom to the people who were united to them by one common origin, as well as by a community of interests and of

manners.

"The liberty of the Cisalpines and of Liguria is secured.

"After this duty, there was another which justice and generosity imposed.

"The King of Spain had been faithful to our cause, and suffered for it. Neither our reverses, nor the perfidious insinuations of our enemies, could detach him from our interests: he will have a just recompence; a prince of this blood is to sit on the throne of Tuscany. He will remember what he owes to the fidelity of Spain, and to the friendship of France: his roadsteads and his ports will be shut against our enemies, and will become the asylum of our commerce and our ships.

"Austria, and it is this which is the pledge of peace, Austria, henceforth separated from the

BOOK IV. republic by vast regions, will no longer feel that rivalry, those heart-burnings, which, for many CHAP. X. ages, have occasioned the torment of these two powers and the calamities of Europe.

1801.

66

By this treaty, every thing is settled with respect to France; it will no longer have to struggle against the forms and the intrigues of a congress.

"The government owes the expression of its satisfaction to the minister plenipotentiary who has conducted the negociation to this happy termination. There remain neither interpretations to be feared, nor explanations to be demanded, nor those equivocal arrangements in which the diplomatic art deposits the seeds of a new war. "Wherefore was not this treaty the treaty of a general peace? This was the wish of France! This was the constant object of the efforts of the government!

"But its efforts are in vain. All Europe knows that the British minister has endeavoured to frustrate the negociations at Luneville.

"In vain did an agent, authorised by the government, declare to him, on the 9th of October, 1800, that France was ready to enter into a separate negociation. This declaration only produced a refusal, under the pretext that England could not abandon her ally. Since then, when this ally consents to treat without England, that government seeks other means to delay a peace so necessary to the world.

"It violates conventions which humanity had consecrated, and declares war against miserable fishermen.

"It raises pretensions contrary to the dignity and the rights of all nations. The whole commerce of Asia, and of immense colonies, does not satisfy its ambition. All the seas must submit to the exclusive sovereignty of England. It arms against Russia, Denmark, and Sweden; because Russia, Denmark, and Sweden have secured, by treaties of guarantee, the sovereignty and the independence of their flags.

"The powers of the North, unjustly attacked, have a right to reckon upon France. The French

government will avenge with them a common injury to all nations, without ever losing sight, however, that it ought only to fight for peace and for the good of the world."

Such was the style in which Bonaparte addressed his senate; he by no means concealed his antipathy to England, as the natural enemy of France, and with the happy mode of magnifying trifles into weighty and serious objects, he wished to fix that country with the stigma of making war upon miserable fishermen; a phrase which requires an explanation.

A long correspondence had arisen between M. Otto and the transport board, about taking some fishermen on the coast of France. It had been given up for a long time by the English, and the prisoners were released on condition they should not serve against this country; but it was soon evident that the perfidy of France could not be trusted to; those very men, with their boats, were employed in fitting and equipping the enemy's fleet in Brest, and were, therefore, considered as subject to the chances of war. The transport office demanded of M. Otto the return of all the fishermen released on parole; and that those who did not return should be treated with every rigor of the law, if they were again made prisoners. M. Otto, in reply said, he had sent their letter to his government, and added some remarks on this measure, not without reason. A letter arrived from M. Talleyrand, ordering M. Otto to leave England, and ending with a flourish too affected to deserve any comments. He said, in the name of the first consul, that the French government wished to contribute to a general pacification, and to soften the evils of war; that it could not think of making poor fishermen victims; it would keep from all such reprisals, and had ordered all French ships to leave their occupation uninterrupted. This was to shew the greatness of the French and the cruelty of the English; but it was soon ascertained, that these men were employed hostilely against this country, and were in consequence objects of our resentment.

THE history of the year 1801 is peculiarly interesting, being fraught with a great number of important events. From the Molucca Islands to the North Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, there was no country or coast that was not a scene of either military preparation or action, or political negocia tion. Across the Atlantic the agitations in St. Domingo and Guadaloupe perplexed France and alarmed Britain.

This year was also famous for the first meeting of the imperial parliament-the war in the Baltic with a kindred and hitherto a friendly nation mutual preparations, for invasion and defence, on the coasts of France and England, and particularly for the various treaties of peace that ensued; which, with the new forms of government imposed on states, were no less remarkable than the actions at sea and land that preceded them.

The situation of Great Britain was, at this time, critical. Misery and discontent seized the less opulent classes of the community, in consequence of the scarcity mentioned in the eighth chapter of the last book. The pressure of the taxes began to be felt by all, and some were considered peculiarly oppressive. In addition to these misfortunes, the battle of Maringo, by intimidating Austria, as well as the courts attached to her interests, had left England without a single ally, that could be serviceable to her; and she was now reduced to the necessity of counteracting those convulsive and concentrated efforts which had formerly proved less terrible by division.

France, on the other hand, never appeared so formidable as at this time: the treaty of Luneville had disarmed the resentment of the only state capable of coping with her in a land war; while the northern confederacy seemed particularly destructive to the commerce of England: for, being unable to contend with that power on the ocean, four allied monarchs had resolved to shut

up all the ports of the continent, and hoped, by BOOK V. thus cutting off her trade, to annihilate her energy.

From this moment the consular government was chiefly occupied in fomenting the differences. that had taken place in consequence of the revival of the armed neutrality, in exacting advantageous terms from such of the neighbouring powers as had not yet made their peace with the republic, and in vain attempts to succour the army of the east, at once menaced by the troops and fleets of a powerful and enterprising rival. Great Britain, hitherto acting, for the chief part, in the capacity of an ally, being at length obliged to contend as a principal, now occupied all the attention and resentment of France.

The parliament of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, now called the imperial parliament, assembled for the first time, Jan. 22, being opened by commission, when the lord chancellor acquainted the House of Commons, that it was his majesty's pleasure that they should immediately proceed to elect a speaker. The commons then withdrew and elected their late speaker, Mr. Addington. This election was confirmed the next day by the royal approbation. The king, however, did not meet the parliament till the 2d of February. In his speech from the throne, his majesty declared the great satisfaction he felt, in being enabled, for the first time, to avail himself, at a crisis so important to the interests of the people, of the advice and assistance of the parliament of his united kingdom. He expressed his confident hope that this memorable era, distinguished by the accomplishment of a measure calculated to augment and consolidate the strength and resources of the empire, and tỏ cement more closely the interests and affections of his subjects, would be equally marked by that vigour, energy, and firmness which the present

CHAP. I.

1801.

CHAP. I.

BOOK V. circumstances peculiarly required. His majesty mentioned, that the "unfortunate course of events on the continent, and the consequences which must be expected to result from it, could not fail to be matter of anxiety and concern to all who had a just feeling for the security and independence of Europe.

1801.

"Your astonishment, as well as your regret, must be excited by the conduct of those powers, whose attention at such a period appears to be more engaged in endeavouring to weaken the naval force of the British empire, which has hitherto opposed so powerful an obstacle to the inordinate ambition of France, than in concerting the means of mutual defence against their common and increasing danger. The representations which I directed to be made to the court of Petersburgh, in consequence of the outrages committed against the ships, property, and persons of my subjects, have been treated with the utmost disrespect; and the proceedings of which I complained, have been aggravated by subsequent acts of injustice and violence. Under these circumstances, a convention has been concluded by that court, with those of Copenhagen and Stockholm, the object of which, as avowed by one of the contracting parties, is to renew their former engagements for establishing, by force, a new code of maritime law, inconsistent with the rights, and hostile to the interests of this country.

"In this situation, I could not hesitate as to the conduct which it became me to pursue. I have taken the earliest measures to repel the aggressions of this hostile confederacy, and to support those principles which are essential to the maintenance of our naval strength, and which are grounded on the system of public law so long established and recognised in Europe. You may rely on my availing myself of the earliest opportunity which shall afford a prospect of terminating the present contest, on grounds consistent with our security and honor, and with the maintenance of those essential rights on which our naval strength must always depend."

The debates on this occasion took a desultory but interesting turn. The address in the house of peers was moved by the Duke of Montrose, and opposed by Lord Fitzwilliam. This nobleman lamented that the course of events had made so momentous a change in the aspect of Europe, and the affairs of this kingdom. He had deeply felt the consequences of the spirit that had broken out in France, and the destruction to which it led. The people of France had been called on to rally round the standard of order, and to reinstate the ancient order of their kings. The nations of Europe had felt it to be their just and wise policy to join this cause.

No man would go further than himself, even yet, in combating for the cause; but he must own the thing

was hopeless. His hopes had been disappointed. The anarchy, however, to a great degree, was gone. France was now, in fact, established into a monarchy, under republican formis, and under a new ruler. It did not depend on the opinion of an individual, and, he feared, it no longer depended on the power and energies of the nation to withstand the organization of the new order of things in France. The die was cast: he must submit. But, he could not think it possible for that house, consistently with their duty, to omit an inquiry into the causes of the, failure of our efforts, when such large and almost unbounded powers had been entrusted to ministers, and when they had all Europe in friendship with them in the common cause; and why, instead of succeeding in this great object, they had all at once plunged us into a contest with our new allies. As to the union, he lamented that he could not this day rise to join in an unanimous vote of thanks to his majesty for his most gracious speech from the throne, on the occasion of that event, on which his ideas were sufficiently known. As the event was now past, he would exert himself to suppress all the emotions which he felt, and sincerely wished that the very sanguine expectations of the noble duke might be fulfilled. He could not, however, withhold his astonishment, that, at a crisis so awful, when we were about to be plunged into a new war, his majesty's ministers, instead of giving information to the house, had called on them for new confidence and new support. The war, into which we were now to be plunged, was a war of our own seeking, as far as Sweden and Denmark were concerned. We had it in our power to suspend the discussion of the question disposed of in the neutral code; for it was suspended, without any evil consequences, in 1780, when, surely, this country was not in the very difficult situation in which she stood at present. In conclusion, Lord Fitzwilliam, declaring that he could not give his support to men who had proved themselves so unfit for the situations they filled, moved, as an amendment to the address, the following addition: "And that this house will proceed with all possible dispatch to make such inquiries into the general state of the nation, but more especially into the conduct of the war, and into our relations with foreign powers, as shall enable us to offer to his majesty such advice as we may think most conducive to the honor of his crown, and the general interests of his people; and, further, to assure his majesty, that if, owing to any unjust and unreasonable pretensions on the part of the enemy, peace cannot be obtained on such terms as are consistent with security; if the representations which his majesty had directed to be made to the court of Petersburgh, in consequence of the outrages committed against the ships, property, and persons of his subjects, have

not received that reparation which the nature of the case requires; and, if the differences which appear unhappily to have arisen between his majesty and the other northern powers, are of a nature which presses for immediate decision; and the impossibility of any equitable adjustment renders new and more extended wars inevitable, we will give his majesty every support which the means of the country can afford, in the just hope and confidence, that his majesty's paternal care for the welfare of his people will induce him to take such measures as shall prevent, henceforward, a calamitous waste of their remaining strength and resources, either by improvident and ineffectual projects, or by general negligence and profusion; and shall ensure a wise and vigorous administration of their affairs, under the unexampled difficulties under which they are now involved." The motion for this amendment was seconded by the Earl of Suffolk, and supported by Lord Darnley, the Earl of Moira, and Lord Holland.

The amendment was opposed, and the original motion for the address supported by the Duke of Athol, Lord Romney, the Earl Spencer, Lord Grenville, the Earl of Mulgrave, and Lord Eldon. There were two lords, who, without supporting the amendment, or positively opposing the original motion for an address, embraced the present opportunity of declaring their sentiments on the present critical state of affairs. These were the Earl of Caernarvon and the Earl of Fife. When Lord Caernarvon considered that we were become the objects of resentment, not indeed justly so, of many nations, he thought himself justified in calling for an inquiry; not with a view to impede the exertions of ministers, but because he saw no reason for plunging into war without inquiry. He understood that, on former occasions, we had surrendered some of those rights for which we were now contending. He did not pretend to be versed on the subject: but if we had done so, it was clear, that what we had said to one favored nation, was to be considered as having been said to every nation; because it shewed that such rights were not necessary to our safety. He concluded, by giving it as his opinion, that it would be more reasonable in the house to negative the address, and to confine itself to expressions of its loyalty, and of its determination to support his majesty in the exercise of bis rights. To the observation modestly introduced by the Earl of Caernarvon, on rights renounced by special convention not being necessary to our safety, and therefore not such as to be asserted by war, Lord Grenville replied, that he was astonished at hearing noble lords speaking in opposition to great legal authority, after avowing their ignorance on the subject. It was the first time he ever heard it mentioned, that a special agreement with one power was a renunciation of

.

a right as to other powers. Those who supposed BOOK V. this to be the case, might satisfy themselves by a reference to the instructions given by the Ameri- CHAP. I. can government to their ministers in France.

The Earl of Fife was rather inclined to wish that a motion for inquiry should not now be made : but, if it should be brought forward, he must declare his opinion in its favor.

"I have no desire," said this nobleman, "to give offence to his majesty's ministers, nor to pay court to those who oppose them: nothing could be more improper at present than to debate whether the war was just or unjust, necessary or not necessary; but I can most positively declare, that no war was ever worse conducted. My lords, I have read all the history of this country; I have seen and been intimate with all the different parties, from the death of Mr. Pelham to the present hour. In this horrid war our blood and treasure have been spent in the extravagant folly of secret expeditions; grievous and heavy taxes have been laid on the people, and wasted in expensive embassies, and subsidizing proud, treacherous, and useless foreign princes, who would have acted much better for themselves had you saved your money, and taken no concers with them. I do not condole with you on your present unfortunate situation in having no such friends; I only wish you had been in that situation in the beginning of this war. The noble lord who presides at the admiralty, in his speech, has with ability done justice to the navy: I sincerely wish our ill-spent money had been laid out on our fleets.

"All those, my lords, that ever heard me speak, or ever read a letter from me on the subject, will do me the justice to say, that my sentiments have all along been the same, and that this has hung upon my mind from the day the first battalion of the guards first marched from the parade for Holland. I lament the present scarcity; but, great as our demerits are, it comes not from the Almighty, but from the effects of this ill-conducted war, which I am ready to prove whenever this question is brought forward. What have we gained by our boasted conquests? If a proper regulation for commerce was made, I wish they were all sold, and the money arising laid out to pay the national debt, and to relieve the nation of those oppressive taxes which bear hard on the rich and poor, on their income, their industry, and, what is worse, their liberty; and till some of those are repealed, this nation cannot be called

free."

On a division of the house, the amendment was rejected: seventeen against seventy-three. The address was then carried without a division.

The address was moved in the House of Commons, on the same day, by Sir William Watkins

1801.