rope, his majesty would then manifest as much energy in the employment of those extreme means, which a just defence requires, as he had given proofs of patience, in resorting to the use of all the means of moderation, consistent with the maintenance of the honor and dignity of his crown. This important paper concluded, by M. Oubril demanding the necessary passports for his departure from France. In the mean time a vigorous protest, dated July 27, was made on the part of the King of Sweden against the conduct of France, in violating the neutrality of the German empire, in the instance of the Duc d'Enghien. The part which Sweden had taken in these transactions, was reflected upon in language the most offensive and personal to his Swedish majesty, in a paper which appeared in the French official journal, the Moniteur, of the 14th of August. He was there accused of inconsistency and folly; of intermeddling in a thankless office, when he could do neither good nor harm; of insulting his fatherin-law in his capital of Carlsruhe, and of acting in a manner highly prejudicial to the interests of his brother-in-law the Elector of Bavaria, during his residence at Munich; and of having abandoned his allies, the Danes, to their fate, before the bombardment of Copenhagen. That France was perfectly indifferent to all his steps; but that she knew how to discriminate between a loyal and brave people, justly called the French of the North, and a young man, led astray by false notions, and unenlightened by reflection. This latter observation was evidently intended to disseminate that discord which had so frequently subsisted between the crown of Sweden and the people. The effect of this indecent attack was an immediate notification to M. Caillard, French chargé d'affaires at Stockholm, that his Swedish majesty could not,consistently with his own dignity, and the honor of his crown, after such an insult had been offered to him, wherein a line of separation was perfidiously attempted to be drawn between his majesty and his subjects, permit any further diplomatic intercourse, either public or private, to subsist between the French legation at Stockholm and his majesty's government. An order was likewise forthwith issued, whereby all French journals, of every description, and all future French publications, were strictly prohibited from being imported into Sweden. It might well be observed, that "the French government had taken the determination invariably to adopt for its conduct, a line absolutely contrary to the principles of justice, and the law of nations:" for, every remonstrance addressed to that upstart cabinet, really seemed an additional motive for trampling upon all established principles of right. An adherence to the rules of justice and decorum was considered beneath the BOOK VI attention of that domineering power, as the attribute of weakness and pusillanimity; and un- CHAP. V. becoming the energy and greatness of the regenerated nation. No opportunity was neglected where they could be set at defiance. The recent expostulations, far from producing any change in their offensive system, served only to provoke further enormities. They had scarcely been expressed, when the neutrality of another independent member of the Germanic body was infringed, in the person of an accredited minister. On the night of the 25th of October, a party of French troops passed the Elbe, (in consequence, as it was insultingly explained, of orders given by the minister of police at Paris) and seized Sir George Rumbold, the British chargé d'affaires to the Circle of Lower Saxony, at his country-housein the vicinity of Hamburgh, under the pretext that he was concerned in plans similar to thoseattributed to Mr. Drake and Mr. S. Smith. This gentleman, together with the papers found in his possession, was forwarded, without delay, to Paris. On his arrival there he was confined in the Temple, and detained two days and as many nights.. At length, on his being induced to sign a parole not to return to Hamburgh, nor within a certain distance of the French territories, and having in vain demanded the restitution of his papers, he was conveyed to the coast, and embarked at Cherbourg, in a vessel carrying a flag of truce, which put him on board of his majesty's frigateNiobe, whence he was landed at Portsmouth. This act of violence was the subject of an official note from Lord Hawkesbury to the cabinet of Berlin. But it appeared, that that court had previously made a remonstrance on the subject to the French government, to which the release of Sir George Rumbold was chiefly to be attributed. While the French government was thus invading the liberties of the Northern States, it was not unmindful of its schemes of encroachment in the south of Europe. On the 20th of October, a convention was concluded with Genoa, by which France engaged to procure a peace for the Ligurian Republic with the Barbary States. If her endeavours in that respect failed, she promised to allow the vessels of the republic to carry French colours for their protection, and to permit the importation of Ligurian commodities, subject to certain duties, into Piedmont, Parma, and Placenza; and, in return for those equivocal advantages, the Ligurian republic engaged to furnish 6,000 seamen to France during the present war: she likewise ceded the harbours, dock-yards, arsenals, &c. and placed them at the disposal of the French government. And, as it was intended to construct, in the said dock-yards, ten ships of the line for France, the Ligurian republic engaged to enlarge, at her own expence, the bason, 1804. BOOK VI. sufficiently to receive those vessels. A new ship that could amuse and divert a giddy, inconsiderate of the line, a frigate, and two corvettes, all com- populace. Impartial persons, however, who were CHAP. V. plete, were, at the same time, placed at the dis-eye-witnesses of this exhibition, have intimated that posal of France. 1804. The period appointed for the coronation now approached. The preparations for that ceremony were framed upon an immense scale.-France was to be dazzled by its splendour and magnificence: the accomplishment of the measure itself was to establish the belief, throughout the world, in the solidity and permanence of Bonaparte's dominion. The arrogance of his conduct whilst this affair was pending, his defiance and contempt of other powers, no doubt flattered Frenchmen with the idea of their importance under his government; and, at the same time, conveyed a more general impression of his conscious security: and, the better to impose upon the ignorant and credulous, the pope was summoned to Paris, to place the imperial crown upon his head. This humiliated potentate, on the 29th of October, previously to his departure from Rome, addressed an allocution to a consistory, wherein he extolled the merits of Bonaparte, for having, by the "Concordat," restored the catholic religion over his vast and populous territory. "The same most powerful prince," continued his holiness, our dearest son in Christ, Napoleon, Emperor of the French, who has so well deserved of the catholic religion for what he has done, has signified to us his strong desire to be anointed with the holy unction, and to receive the imperial crown from us, to the end that the solemn rights which are to place him in the highest rank, shall be strongly impressed with the character of religion, and call down more effectually the benediction of heaven." Thus a foreigner, who could be a Catholic, Mahometan, any thing or nothing, as necessity prompted, was accepted as an Emperor by a people who had previously murdered their legitimate king, and who had then bitterly railed against absolute power. On the 19th of November, Bonaparte, attended by a numerous military escort, and followed by an immense train of equipages, as brilliant as could be procured, filled with persons of the highest rank in the government, accompanied by the pope, proceeded through streets strewed with sand, and lined by a prodigious concourse of curious spectators, to the cathedral church of " Notre Dame," which edifice was decorated, for the occasion, both within and without, with all the sumptuousness which French ingenuity could devise. There his holiness performed a solemn service, anointed the emperor with the sacred unction, and placed the crown upon his majesty's head. To this ceremony, in the evening, succeeded plays, pantomimes, singing, music, dancing, fire-works, illuminations, fountains flowing with wine; in short, every thing it was far from exciting that degree of enthusiasmı which so shining and costly a spectacle might be expected to produce on a people who, more than any other, delight in public shows: that none seemed to take a sincere interest in it but those in power, or who were immediately benefited by the existing order of things; and that the lowest classes made merry, and danced, apparently from no other motive than because they found themselves supplied, free of expense, with the means of indulging in their favorite recreations. To put the seal to this transaction, and to stamp it with still greater weight, the conservative senate, in pursuance of a former resolution, presented themselves in a body, on the 1st of December, at the palace of the Thuilleries, and their president, François de Neufchateau, addressed the emperor in a prolix and turgid complimentary oration, to which his imperial majesty replied:— "I ascend the throne, to which the unanimous wishes of the senate, the people, and the army, have called me, with a heart penetrated with the great destinies of that people, whom, from the midst of camps, I first saluted by the name of Great. From my youth, my thoughts have been solely fixed upon them, and I must add, here, that my pleasures and my pains are derived entirely from the happiness or misery of the people. MY DESCENDANTS SHALL LONG PRESERVE THIS THRONE. In the camps they will be the first soldiers of the army, sacrificing their lives for the defence of their country-as magistrates, they will never forget, that contempt of the laws, and the confusion of social order, are only the result of the imbecility and uncertainty of princes. You, senators, whose counsels and support have never failed me in the most difficult circumstances, your spirit will be handed down to your successors; be ever the props and first counsellors of that throne so necessary to the welfare of this vast empire." The tribunate having assisted at a similar solemnity, thus concluded this memorable event. The session of the legislative body opened December the 26th, on which occasion, the members were assembled in extraordinary state, to receive the emperor, who was seated on a throne erected for the purpose; and, in his presence, an oath, in the following terms, was administered to each of the legislators, separately: "I swear obedience to the constitutions of the empire, and fidelity to the emperor." The emperor then rose, the legislators uncovered themselves, and his majesty addressed them as follows: ing of your session. My anxious desire is to impress a more imposing and august character on your proceedings. Yes, princes, magistrates, soldiers, citizens, we have all of us, in the course we have to run, but one object-the interest of the country. If this throne, to which providence and the will of the nation have raised me, be dear in my eyes, it is because that throne can only defend and maintain the most sacred interests of the French people. Unsupported by a vigorous and paternal government, France would have still to fear those calamities by which she has been afflicted. The weakness of the supreme power is the deepest misfortune of nations. As a soldier, or first consul, I entertained but one thought---as emperor, I am influenced by no other---and that is, every thing which contributes to the prosperity of France. I have had the good fortune to illustrate France with victories, to consolidate her by treaties, to rescue her from civil broils, and to revive among her inhabitants the influence of morals, of social order, and of religion. Should death Should death not surprise me in the midst of my labours, I fondly hope I may transmit to posterity a durable impression, that must serve as an example or reproach to my successors. The minister of the interior will submit to you a statement of the situaation of the empire. The deputation from my council of state will present to you different objects that are to occupy the legislature. I have given instructions that there be laid before you the accounts which my ministers have given me of their respective departments; I am fully satisfied with the prosperous state of our finances; whatever may be the expenditure, it is covered by the revenue.---How extensive soever have been the preparations imposed upon us, by the exigencies of the war in which we are engaged, I call upon my people for no new sacrifice. It would have been highly gratifying to me, on so solemn an occasion, to see the blessings of peace diffused over the world; but the political principles of our enemies, their recent conduct towards Spain, but too strongly speak the difficulties that oppose it. I am not anxious to enlarge the territory of France, but to assert its integrity. I feel no ambition to exert a wider stretch of influence in Europe, but not to descend from that which I have acquired. No state shall be incorporated with the empire: but I shall not sacrifice my rights, or the ties which bind me to the states that I have created. In bestowing the crown upon me, the people entered into an engagement to exert every effort which circumstances may require, in order to preserve, unsullied, that splen CHAP. V. dour which is necessary for their prosperity, and BOOK VI. indispensible for their glory, as well as for mine. I am full of confidence in the energy of the nation, and in the sentiments it entertains for me; its dearest interests are the constant object of my solicitude. Deputies from the departments to the legis lative body, tribunes, and members of my council of state. Your conduct, gentlemen, during the preceding session, the zeal with which you glow for your country, your attachment to my person, I hold as pledges of the assistance for which I call upon you, and which, I trust, I shall receive from you during the course of the present session." On the 31st, the annual report, on the state of the nation, was made to the legislative body. This paper stated that the internal situation of France was what it was in the calmest times--every where the improvements of public and private property attested the progress of confidence and security---that all classes of the community, both military and civil, had testified their love of order, even during the absence of their immediate chiefs, (adverting to their attendance at the coronation)-that the sovereign pontiff had, from the banks of the Po to those of the Seine, experienced a religious homage, the effect of attachment to the ancient doctrines, on the part of a people revering a sovereign raised to the throne by his piety and virtues-that the discovery of a plot, laid by an implacable enemy, had awakened the nation to her true interests, and taught her the value of hereditary power. After expatiating on the flourishing state of the empire, both at home and abroad, and construing, agreeably to their wishes, the dispositions of various other powers, this representation concluded with observing, that, "whatever might be the movements of England, the destinies of France were fixed: strong in her union, strong in her riches, and in the courage of her defenders, she would faithfully cultivate the alliance of her friends, and would not act so as either to deserve enemies, or to fear them. When England should be convinced of the impotence of her efforts to agitate the continent-when she should know that she had only to lose by a war without end or motives-when she should find that France would never accept any other conditions than those of the treaty of Amiens, and would never consent to leave to "her the right of breaking treaties at pleasure, by appropriating Malta, England will then have arrived at pacific sentiments.-Envy and hatred have but their day." 1804. BOOK VI. 1804. CHAPTER VI. Situation of the greater Part of Europe at this Period.-Disputes in the Empire of Germany, relative to the Equestrian Order.-Austria assumes the hereditary Dignity of Emperor.-Goree taken by the French, and recovered by the English.-Loss of the Apollo Frigate and her Convoy. -Mr. Addington's Administration terminates.-Mr. Pitt returns to the Office of Prime Minister. -Capture of Surinam by the British Force.-Unsuccessful Attempts on the French Flotilla.— Defeat of Admiral Linois.-Capture of the Spanish Treasure-ships. THE power of France, at this time, was very considerable. By the treaties of Luneville and CHAP. VI. Amiens, Switzerland, Lombardy, Holland, and Tuscany, were left in that state of dependent alliance with the French nation, that scarcely the appearance of right remained to Austria or Russia to question bis conduct, if Bonaparte thought fit to annex them to his empire, separately, or altogether. With respect to Spain, and even Portugal, his power over those unfortunate countries seemed every day to be more confirmed and absolute. These states appeared to have been abandoned to his discretion by the treaty of Amiens; and if he did not take immediate possession of them, it was because he knew, that he could, at any time, effect this object, and that it would create less alarm among the other powers of Europe, to subjugate them gradually, by the various acts of intrigue and interference to which their weak governments but too much exposed them. Notwithstanding this immensity of power, we have shown, in the preceding chapter, that the magnanimity of the Emperor of Russia did not slumber. In pressing for the execution of a treaty, which had for its objects the guarantee of the independence of Naples, and that of procuring an indemnity to the King of Sardinia for the loss of his dominions, he had at once increased the bitter enmity of the French ruler, and acquired the confidence and admiration of whatever yet remained independent in Europe, who saw, in this generous and noble conduct, a principle of action which might, at a future moment, check the strides towards universal monarchy of the restless Corsican. The fruits of the line of conduct which the Emperor Alexander had thus chosen, were perceptible in some uneasy movements on the part of France, and were not unuseful to the cause of England, as it occasioned the removal to Italy of many of those battalions which, stationed at Boulogne, were to form a part of the invading army destined to conquer Great Britain.. At the commencement of the year 1804, Austria appeared actively employed in repairing the losses which her armies had sustained in the late war, and in placing her military establishments on the best possible footing. The Germanic empire had, at this period, been for some time agitated, in consequence of some very arbitrary measures resorted to by the Elector of Bavaria, to oppress the equestrian order in his territories in Franconia, acquired by the indemnities. That body, considering itself under the immediate protection of the head of the empire, appealed to the Emperor of Germany, who immediately interfered, and sent a most dignified and energetic remonstrance, in the capacity of its supreme chief, to the court of Munich; and also, at the same time, assured the equestrian order of his support, by ulterior means, against the elector. There could be little doubt but that, in this proceeding, the elector had either been secretly sti mulated by France, or else had relied, with confidence, on the support of that power in any ag gressive project he might form, which should tend to the diminution of the influence of Austria; but, to his utter disappointment and mortification, a short period had only elapsed, after the delivery of the imperial declaration in favor of the order, when the French ambassador to the Bararian government expressed the displeasure of the first consul at the conduct of the elector towards the head of the German empire; which, of course, terminated the affair. In the whole of this transaction, as well as upon the seizure of Oberhaus by the Bavarian troops, which occurred the year before, Austria evinced a sufficient share of energy and decision, to convince France, that her spirit was not so broken, nor her consequence at so low an ebb, as to allow herself to be insulted with impunity. Bonaparte had, in these instances, certainly endeavoured to ascertain how far that power would bear the attempt to diminish her weight and consequence in the Germanic body, without having recourse to the chances of war in their vindication. The result of the experiment served to convince him, that there was a line of aggression which he must not pass, so. long as he should think it prudent to continue at peace with Austria. Though great was the animosity, which existed between the courts of St. Peterburgh and Ver sailles after the much-lamented fate of the Duc d'Enghien, yet Russia and France were too remote from each other for an immediate commencement of hostilities. While the latter power was engaged in war with England, it was impossible that her navy could act against that of the emperor; nor had Russia, unallied with some intermediate power, the means of conveying troops sufficient to make any impression on the compact mass of the French territory. The year, therefore, was passed by both powers in making warlike preparations, and in the increase of their military establishments. Prussia still seemed warm in the interest of France, and Austria maintained a strict and guarded neutrality. 66 In the spirit of retaliation, Bonaparte thought BOOK VI. proper to have inserted, in his official public paper, the Moniteur, an article of the most offen- CHAP. VI. sive and galling nature to the feelings of that 1804. monarch. It treated, with the utmost contempt, those notes which the King of Sweden wrote, with so much precipitation, " as he travelled post through the different states of Germany;" it ridiculed his travels, and affected to consider his Swedish majesty as a very weak young man, deficient both in understanding and experience; it upbraided him with shamefully deserting the German empire, of which he now boasted he was the guarantee, and with the making a separate peace for himself; it concluded by declaring, that France considered both him and all his movements as unworthy of her attention. A personal attack of this nature, inserted in a journal of authority, could not fail of irritating the Swedish monarch to the greatest degree: he immediately ordered a note to be presented to the French chargé d'affaires, at Stockholm, announcing, that, after an insult of that nature, all infercourse must cease between the French legation and the Swedish government; and declaring the offensive expressions in the Moniteur to be " the improper, insolent, and ridiculous observations which Monsieur Napoleon Bonaparte allowed to be inserted in his journal." After a transaction of such a nature, it was evident that Sweden, as well as Russia, was prepared, the first opportunity which presented any prospect of success, to commence hostilities with Bonaparte. The assumption of the imperial dignity by Bonaparte, gave a new interest to the political concerns of Europe. As soon as that event was notified to the court of Vienna, the Emperor of Germany resolved, immediately, upon conferring the hereditary dignity of emperor upon the house of Austria. The patent for the purpose stated the object of this measure to be, "the preservation of that degree of equality which should subsist between the great powers, and the just rank of the house and state of Austria among the nations of Europe. As the emperor and the Germanic body had acquiesced, with scarcely an exception, in the increase of title in the French ruler; so, on the other hand, did the self-appointed Emperor of France offer no opposition to the Austrian house assuming the same hereditary dignity. The measure in itself, indeed, appeared indifferent in the eyes of all the sovereigns of The want of decision and energy in the counEurope, except the King of Sweden, who pre- cils of the British empire, at the commencement sented a note thereon, at Ratisbon, declaring, of the present year, had produced a considerable "that he considered it as a matter that ought to degree of torpor and despondency in the public be seriously weighed and discussed at the diet mind. On the part of England, the war with there sitting, and not as the subject of a verbal France had assumed no decisive character; and communication by the Austrian minister." But its immense resources seemed entirely absorbed this step, however, excited some uneasiness in in providing means of defence against the threatthe political circles of almost every country in ened invasion. On the capture of a few illEurope, as it appeared to be an act undertaken defended French and Dutch West India settlein concert with France: that this mutual assump-ments, it appeared as if the energies of the country tion of title was the fruit of a perfectly good understanding between these powers, and many feared, that there was still a farther connection between them; a conjecture not disproved by any event which took place within this year. The French journals even insinuated, that Austria was extremely jealous of the preponderant influence Russia had gained over the councils of the Porte, and of her approach to Dalmatia, by the occupation of Corfu. But the power, in Europe, which was most undisguisedly hostile to the French government, was the King of Sweden. All his notes on the subject of the German empire, of what nature soever, teemed with expressions of the utmost severity against France and her upstart emperor. could go no farther, or make the slightest attempt |