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You will read this despatch to Prince Gortchakoff and give him a copy of it.

Earl Russell's wise suggestions were sympathetically received at Petrograd, and on March 31, Czar Alexander published in the Journal de St. Pétersbourg a manifesto in which he stated that he did not desire to hold the Polish nation responsible for the rebellion, and promised to introdue a system of local self-government in Poland, admonishing the rebels to lay down their arms. Unfortunately, they did not do so. A prolonged campaign was necessary to re-establish order in Poland, and meanwhile the Czar had been so much embittered through the agitation of the Russian reactionaries and their Prussian friends, and by the follies of some of the Polish leaders, that he deprived Poland of her constitution. Urged on by the statesmen at Berlin, another period of repression began. On February 23, 1868, Poland was absolutely incorporated with Russia, and the use of the Polish language in public places and for public purposes was prohibited.

Ever since, Bismarck and his successors have endeavoured to create bad blood between Russia and her Polish citizens, being desirous of retaining Russia's support at a time when she was drifting towards France. Solely with the object of demonstrating to Russia the danger of the Polish agitation Bismarck introduced in 1886 his Polish Settlement Bill, by which, to the exasperation of the Prussian Poles, vast territories were bought from Polish landowners and German peasants settled on them. When the Conservative party wished to oppose that policy in the Prussian Parliament as being unpractical, its leader was, according to Professor Delbrück's testimony, expressed in his book 'Regierung und Volkswille,' urged by the Chancellor to vote for the Bill because its passage was necessary for reasons of foreign policy.'

During a century and a half Russia's Polish policy has been made in Germany. During 150 years Russia has perse

cuted and outraged the Poles at Prussia's bidding and for Prussia's benefit. The confidential diplomatic evidence given in these pages makes that point absolutely clear.

Until recent times Russia was a very backward nation, and, not unnaturally, she endeavoured to learn the arts of government and of civilisation from Germany, her nearest neighbour. Unfortunately, Germany did not prove a fair and unselfish friend to Russia. Germany aimed not so much at advancing Russia as at benefiting herself. German rulers and statesmen saw in the Russians goodnatured savages to be exploited. Impecunious German princes and noblemen went to Russia to make a fortune, and poor German princesses married Russian princes. Thus German influence became supreme not only in the Russian Army and Administration, but even within the Imperial Family.

During 150 years German influence was supreme in Russian society. While, during this period, Prussia, and afterwards Germany, unceasingly urged Russia to oppress and ill-treat her Poles, England consistently recommended Russia to adopt liberal treatment as being in Russia's interest.

One of the first British diplomatic despatches dealing with the partition of Poland is that of Mr. Thomas Wroughton, dated June 15, 1763, and given in these pages. In that remarkable document the forecast was made that Russia would scarcely consent to a partition of Poland, partly because such a partition would strengthen Prussia too much, partly because an independent Poland would form an efficient buffer State between herself and the Western Powers. He wrote: Russia is inattackable on that side at present, which she would not be if she appropriated to herself that barrier.' Since then Russia has more than once had occasion to regret that she was the direct neighbour of Prussia, and that she had given large Polish districts to that country.

Soon after the beginning of the present War the Grand

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Duke Nicholas, the Commander-in-Chief of the Russian forces, addressed an appeal to the Poles of Russia, Germany, and Austria-Hungary in which he promised them the re-creation of a kingdom of Poland, comprising all Poles dwelling within Russia, Austria, and Germany, under Russia's protection. The full text of that remarkable manifesto will be found in the chapter The Problem of Austria-Hungary.' The enemies of Russia have sneeringly described that document as a death-bed repentance, and have complained that it was not issued by the Czar himself. Of course, the Grand Duke acted in the name and on behalf of the Czar. That needs no explanation. If the Czar was not of the Grand Duke's mind he would of course have disavowed him. Besides, Russia's resolve to give full liberty to the Poles was not born from the stress of the War. It was formed long ago. However, it was obviously impracticable to give full self-government to the Russian Poles without laying the foundation of a Greater Poland. Hence such a step on Russia's part would have met with the most determined opposition and hostility in Germany and AustriaHungary, and it would most probably have been treated as casus belli. Lord Cowley, the British Ambassador in Paris, informed Earl Russell, on March 26, 1863, 'The Russian Government could make no concessions of any value to the Polish Provinces which would not lay the foundation of the re-establishment of the kingdom of Poland.' Lord Napier, the British Ambassador in Petrograd, informed his Government on April 6, 1863, that 'The restoration of the Polish State on the basis of nationality will assuredly not be effected while the strength of Russia and Germany remains unbroken. During the struggle, whatever may be the fate of Poland, the frontier of France would be pushed to the Rhine.' That remarkable prophecy seems likely to come true.

Formerly there was no Polish nation. The Poles consisted of 150,000 nobles and of many millions of ill-treated serfs. Hard times and misfortune have welded the Poles into a

nation. The property-less serfs have become prosperous farmers, and the people of the middle and of the upper class have become earnest workers. Between 1900 and 1912 the deposits in the Polish Co-operative Societies have increased from £12,420,057 to £46,970,354. In every walk of life Poles have achieved most remarkable successes. Although education among the Poles, especially among those in Russia and Austria-Hungary, is still extremely backward-there are only two Polish universities-the Poles have created a most wonderful literature. The Polish literature is the richest among the Slavonic literatures, and it need not fear comparison with any of the Western literatures. In music and in science also Poles have accomplished great things. Among the leading modern writers is Sienkiewicz, among the greatest living musicians is Paderewski, among the leading living scientists is Madame Curie-Sklodowska. Formerly, the Poles were thriftless and incompetent in business and agriculture. How wonderfully they have changed may be seen from the fact that in the Eastern Provinces of Germany they are rapidly ousting the Germans, although these receive most powerful support from the State. Notwithstanding the enormous purchases of land made under the Settlement Acts, by which £35,000,000 have been devoted to the purchase of Polish land for German farmers, the Germans have on balance since the year 1896 lost 250,000 acres of land to the Poles in the Polish districts.

The Poles are to a certain extent to blame for their misfortunes. In the past they have lacked self-command and a sense of proportion. It is noteworthy that during the revolution of 1863 Polish leaders published in Paris maps of an independent Poland, which comprised large and purely Russian districts with towns such as Kieff, on the ground of historical right. Yet Kieff was the cradle of the Russian Orthodox faith.

In Western Russia, in Eastern Prussia, and in Galicia, there dwell about 20,000,000 Poles. If the War should end, as it is likely to end, in a complete victory of the

Allies, a powerful independent State of Poland will arise. The united Poles will receive full self-government under the protection of Russia. They will be enabled to develop their nationality, but it seems scarcely likely that they will separate themselves entirely from Russia. Their position will probably resemble that of Quebec in Canada, and if the Russians and Poles act wisely they will live as harmoniously together as do the French-speaking 'habitants' of Quebec, and the English-speaking men of the other provinces of Canada. Federation should prove a guarantee of freedom and a bond between the two peoples.

Russia need not fear that Poland will make herself entirely independent, and only the most hot-headed and short-sighted Poles can wish for complete independence. Poland, having developed extremely important manufacturing industries, requires large free markets for their output. Her natural market is Russia, for Germany has industrial centres of her own. She can expect to have the free use of the precious Russian markets only as long as she forms part of that great State. At present, a spirit of the heartiest goodwill prevails between Russians and Poles. The old quarrels and grievances have been forgotten in the common struggle. The moment is most auspicious for the resurrection of Poland.

While Prussia has been guilty of the partition of Poland, Russia is largely to blame for the repeated revolts and insurrection of her Polish citizens. The late Lord Salisbury, who as a staunch Conservative could scarcely be described as an admirer of the Poles, and who in his essay' Poland,' printed in 1863, treated their claims rather with contempt than with sympathy, wrote in its concluding pages:

Since 1815 the misgovernment of Poland has not only been constant but growing. And with the misgovernment the discontent has been growing in at least an equal ratio. Yet they ought not to have been a difficult race to rule. The very abuses to which they had been for centuries exposed should have made the task of satisfying them easy.

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