military forces will never lead me into temptation to deprive the country of the benefits of peace unless war should become a necessity, having been forced upon us by an attack upon the Empire or upon its Allies. The German Army is intended to protect our peace, and if peace is broken the Army must be able to regain it with honour. It will be able to do this with God's help owing to the strength which it has received in accordance with the recent military law which was unanimously passed. It is far from my heart to use the armed strength of the country for wars of aggression. Germany neither requires further military glory nor conquests, having established by war her justification to exist as a united and independent nation.

Our alliance with Austria-Hungary is generally known. I adhere to it with German fidelity not merely because it has been concluded but also because I recognise in this defensive alliance the foundation of the European Balance of Power.

Two days later, on June 27, William the Second, as King of Prussia, opened the two Prussian Houses of Parliament and addressed them in person as follows:

Since, owing to my father's death, the throne of my ancestors has come to me, I have felt the need at the beginning of my reign to assemble you around me without delay and to give before you a solemn vow and to swear the oath prescribed by the Prussian Constitution:

I vow that I will observe the Constitution of the kingdom firmly and inviolably, and that I will rule in accordance with the Constitution and the Law. So help me God!

. . Like King William the First, I will, in accordance with my solemn vow, faithfully and conscientiously observe the laws and the rights of the popular representation, and with equal conscientiousness I will preserve and exercise the rights of the crown, as established by the Constitution, in order to hand them on in due course to my successor on the throne. It is far from me to disturb the confidence of the people in the solidity of our legal conditions by striving to increase the rights of the crown. The legal extent of my rights, as long as these are not questioned, suffices to secure

to the State that measure of monarchical influence which Prussia requires owing to her historical development, her present position and her place in the Empire, and the feelings and habits of the people. I am of opinion that our Constitution contains a just and useful distribution of powers among the various governing factors, and for this reason, not only on account of my vow, I shall observe and protect it.

In the two most important speeches quoted, the Emperor solemnly promised to the nation on his ascent to the throne 'to observe and to protect the Constitution,' not to increase his powers by striving to increase the rights of the crown,' and not to declare war unless war should become a necessity, having been forced upon us by an attack upon the Empire or upon its Allies.' It is also worth noting that the Emperor described the Austro-German Alliance as this defensive alliance, the foundation of the European Balance of Power.' Nothing could be more explicit than the assurances and undertakings given in these words. The two speeches, though read by the Emperor, embody of course not merely the Emperor's views but also those of Prince Bismarck, who apparently drafted them in collaboration with the Emperor. Bismarck was an excellent judge of character. Apparently he hoped to bridle the Emperor's impetuousness by causing him to declare in the most solemn manner that he would observe the Constitution and not make war unless Germany should actually be attacked. His hopes that the solemn promises of the Emperor would restrain him during his reign have been disappointed.

According to the Constitution, every Imperial Act has to be countersigned by the Imperial Chancellor who, by countersigning, assumes responsibility for it. Of course the responsibility of the Imperial Chancellor becomes a mere formality without meaning if the Emperor appoints to the Chancellorship a man without strength of character who readily countersigns the Imperial orders as they are given. Soon after his accession to the throne William the Second showed that he meant to be his own Chancellor,

that he had no use for a Chancellor who possessed ability and independence of mind. He dismissed Bismarck and has since then appointed pliable men in his stead. Bismarck's four successors were without exception men of great pliability. Probably Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg is the most pliable of them all. To the alarm and concern of the old Chancellor, the young Emperor endeavoured to govern Germany and to direct the foreign and domestic policy of the country in accordance with his personal views and moods, violating the spirit, if not the wording, of the Constitution. Considering himself the Trustee of the Empire, Bismarck endeavoured during the years of his retirement from office to create a counterpoise to the dangerous impetuousness of the Emperor, who wished to grasp all power, by recommending, on numerous occasions, the jealous preservation and defence of the Constitution. For instance, on August 10, 1891, a year after his dismissal, addressing representatives of the University Students of Germany, Prince Bismarck stated:

In order to unite Germany the individual dynasties and governments of Germany had to co-operate. All former attempts at carrying out the idea of unifying Germany were bound to fail because the dynastic forces were underestimated.... I see the task of the future, mainly, in preserving the existing. If I recommend preserving the existing, I mean of course that the Imperial edifice should be improved and completed. What, then, should be preserved? I would most urgently recommend you for the future to preserve the Imperial Constitution. Lay that to your heart. The Constitution is imperfect, but it was the best Constitution that could be obtained. Cultivate, then, the Constitution. Watch jealously over the Constitution, and see that the rights established by the Constitution are not diminished. I am not a friend of centralisation. I say again: Watch over the Imperial Constitution even if, later on in life, it should not please you. Do not advise any alteration unless all the States agree to it. That is the first condition for the political welfare of the Empire.

In July 1892 Prince Bismarck made a speech at Kissingen, in which he particularly dwelt on the danger to the nation of appointing to the Chancellorship an obedient official, a mere Imperial Secretary, and, foreseeing the danger of an Imperial absolutism exercised through a pliable Chancellor, demanded the creation of a counterpoise to the Emperor. He said in the course of that remarkable speech:

I should have liked to continue the work, but our young Emperor will do everything himself. . . .

The German Reichstag does not fulfil my expectations that it would be the centre of national life as I had hoped at the time of its creation. If one wishes to strengthen the Reichstag one must increase the responsibility of the Ministers. The Constitution of Prussia promises a law which will make Ministers responsible for their actions. Such a law has, however, not been promulgated, and ministerial responsibility does not apply to the Empire. Hence anyone can become Imperial Chancellor even if he is not qualified for that position. Consequently the office of Imperial Chancellor may be lowered so that the Chancellor will become merely a private secretary, whose responsibility is limited to doing what he is told without selecting what is useful or examining proposals. . . . If responsibility was enforced by law no one would become Imperial Chancellor unless he possessed the necessary qualifications. . . .

When I became Minister, the Crown was in difficulties. The King was discouraged. His Ministers refused to support him. He wished to abdicate. When I saw this I strove to strengthen the Crown against Parliament. Perhaps I have gone too far in this direction. We require a counterpoise. I believe that frank criticism is indispensable for a monarchical government. Otherwise it degenerates into an official absolutism. We require the fresh air of public criticism. Germany's constitutional life is founded on it. When Parliament becomes powerless, becomes merely an instrument of a higher will, we shall come back again in due course to the enlightened absolutism of the past. Theoretically that may be the most perfect form of government, a divine form of government.

However, it is practically unacceptable because of human inadequacy.

In a speech delivered August 20, 1893, Prince Bismarck stated:

In our attempts at unification we must not go beyond the Constitution. The German Constitution has not only demanded vast sacrifices in human lives and in blood. It was an exceedingly difficult work to combine the opposing interests which had been at variance for centuries. It was exceedingly difficult to unite them in such a manner that at last all were satisfied or at least contented. The fact that the Constitution is touched and shaken fills me with grave cares in my old age.

On June 12, 1890, only a few months after his dismissal, Prince Bismarck said, addressing a deputation of Stuttgart citizens:

The dynasties have appeared to me a guarantee of Germany's unity. With their assistance the work of unifying Germany, which had been begun in battle, was completed.

I have never been an advocate of Imperial centralisation, and I have made it my task as Imperial Chancellor to protect the rights of the individual States against illegitimate encroachments.

During the eight years which Bismarck spent in retirement he frequently urged his countrymen in speech and in writing to preserve the German Constitution inviolate, not to diminish the rights of the individual States, to create a counterpoise to the Emperor's impetuousness and to his attempts at governing Germany as if it were a Greater Prussia, and not to embark upon an aggressive war, nor to support Austria should she come into collision with Russia by an attack in the Balkans, because in that case Germany was under no obligation to help Austria and had no interest in being involved in a great war over Balkan questions.

In attacking Russia and France the German Emperor

P