Anfelm Bayly, LL. D. Sub-Dean of his Majesty's Chapel Royal. 8vo. 2 s. Ridley. 1771.

Many of the observations contained in this Treatife have been extracted by the Author, for the fervice of the facred finger,' from Tofi's celebrated Obfervations on the florid Song; to which he has added many of his own, on the different articles expreffed in the titlepage. To thofe who are in want of inftructions to execute vocal mufic, particularly the facred, in a proper, inoffenfive manner, these directions will undoubtedly be of fervice.

POLITICAE and COMMERCIAL. Art. 17. An Essay on the Right of every Man in a free State to speak and write freely, in order to defend the public Rights, and promote the public Welfare; and on the various great Occafions for the prefent Use of it. 4to. 2 s. Almon. 1772.

This is evidently the production of a lawyer; and he has employed much learned investigation on topics, which, though of the highest importance, are fortunately fo clear and obvious, that they ftrike the mind with an immediate conviction. We venerate that zeal for liberty which his performance difcovers and inculcates; and are forry that, with regard to literary merit, we cannot bestow upon it the highest commendation.

Art. 18. Confiderations on the Act for punishing Mutiny and Defertion, and the Rules and Articles for the Government of his Majesty's Land Forces. 8vo. rs. 6d. Murray. 1772.

It is, doubtlefs, neceffary that difcipline and good order fhould reftrain and direct the foldiery: but the rules eftablished for them ought not to be vague and general. This charge, which applies fo forcibly to the act for punishing munity and defertion, is very fully explained by the Author of thefe Confiderations: and when imperfections are pointed out in the martial law, or with regard to circumftances that have a general and public influence, they fhould attract the attention of parliament. This little treatife is probably the production of an officer, and it may be particularly useful to gentlemen in the army.

Art. 19. A Plan for extending the Commerce of this Kingdom, and of the East India Company. By Alexander Dalrymple, Efq. 8vo. 1 s. 6d. Nourse, &c.

1769.

Mr. Dalrymple's performance, though printed above two years ago, was not published till very lately; and contains much curious information.

Art. 20. A Plan for the Government of the Provinces of Bengal. 4to. 2 S. Wilkie. 1772.

This Plan is addressed to the Directors of the Eaft India Company, and offers, to their confideration, fome pertinent remarks in regard to regulations that might be employed with fuccefs to remedy thofe defects which difgrace the prefent mode of government in Bengal. The Author does not appear to have been in the Eaft; but, though, on this account, he cannot be fuppofed to be very accurately informed concerning the condition of our provinces there, yet his reflexions and reafonings may fuggeft the idea of ufeful and falutary measures.

Art.

Art. 21. An Inquiry into the Rights of the Eaft India Company of making War and Peace; and of poffefling their territorial Acquintions without the Participation or Inspection of the British Govern. ment. In a Letter to the Proprietors of Eaft India Stock. Written in the Year 1769. And now first published. 8vo. I s. Bladon.

1772.

In this Inquiry the royal grants to the Company are employed to prove that it poffeffes no right of itfelf to declare war, or to make peace; and the Author contends, that it would be wife and politic. to narrow the bounds of the authority which it ventures to exercise. Art. 22. Confiderations on a Pamphlet, entitled, "Thoughts

on

our Acquifitions in the Eaft Indies," particularly refpecting Ben-" gal. 8vo. 1 s. Nourfe, &c. 1772..

Here are many fenfible remarks, but they are disfigured by others, which are frivolous and idle.

Art. 23. The Measures to be pursued in India for enfuring the Permanency, and augmenting the Commerce of the Company, farther confi dered; with the Heads for carrying thofe Measures into Execution. By the Author of "Obfervations on the prefent State of the Eaft India Company +," &c. 8vo. I S. Nourfe. 1772.

Thefe remarks may be useful to thofe who are difpofed to inform themselves minutely concerning the Affairs of India, and the steps that might be purfued for the purposes of not only refloring them to tranquillity, but of advancing them to a state of higher importance than they have ever yet arrived at.

Art. 24. Hiftory of the four last Elections for the County of Suffolk. To which is added a Poffcript, relative to Mr. Sawbridge's intended Motion" for fhortening the Duration of Parliaments;" fhewing the Propriety of inftructing our Reprefentatives to fupport that Motion, and illustrating the Advantages of triennial Parliaments. 8vo. I S. Wheble. 1772.

The public fpirit, and the zeal for liberty, which appear in the fe pages, are not a fufficient apology for the indecent heat with which they are written.

Art. 25. Thoughts on the conflitutional Power and Right of the Crown, in the bestowal of Places and Penfions: Humbly fubmitted to the Attention of the People of England in general, and Electors of Members of Parliament in particular. To which is added an Appendix; containing the feveral Speeches in favour of a PlaceBill, delivered in the Houfe of Commons in the Year 1739. Alfo a Lift of Placemen and Pensioners in the House of Commons, and of thofe Members who voted for Mr. Wilkes's Expulfion, Colonel Lutterell's Election, and the Commitment of the late Lord Mayor of London to the Tower. 8vo. 2 s Kearfly. 1772.

This Author is of opinion that the liberty of our conftitution will inevitably be deftroyed if the people do not exert themfelves in its defence; and he endeavours to fhew, that the corruption of our reprefentatives is fo great, that no redrefs can be expected from them.

* See Rev. for Nov. laft, p. 409.

+ See Rev. vol. xlv. p. 504•

The

The fruggles which are feen in parliament, and which feem to be founded in patriotifm, he afcribes to a fordid contention for places and penfions: and the numerous lift he has produced of the members of the Houfe of Commons, who actually enjoy offices, is no mean argument in his favour. The prefent power of the Crown in conferring pofts of honour or truft, and reverfionary grants, he confi ders as no inherent or original right in it, but as a manifeft abufe of the prerogative. He every where expreffes his opinions with great freedom; and, in general, we muft think that they reft not on a feeble foundation.

Art. 26. A Scheme for the Coalition of Parties humbly fubmitted to the Public. 8vo. I S. Wilkie. 1772.

When we first read the foregoing title-page, we apprehended that the tract to which it is prefixed would prefent us with fome ferious reflections on the prefent ftate of our country, with fuitable propofals for a removal of its grievances and diffenfions: but on perufal we find that the Writer is an arch wag, who laughs at us all; notwithstanding the caution with which he concludes his performance. viz. not to imagine that there is any thing in the foregoing pages in the leat degree ludicrous.'

6

Before this merry political Doctor prefumes to prefcribe, he has thought it neceffary to invelligate the caufe of the difeafe; and he tells us, he has diligently enquired whether our prefent diffenfions have arifen from any differences of opinions, or any contradictory articles in our political creeds: But, fays he, on the ftricteft examination, I can find no fuch differences to exift: parties I fee many, but cannot difcern one principle among them; they are neither Whigs nor Tories, Monarchy-men nor Republicans, High-church nor Low-church, Hanoverians nor Jacobites: they have all acted alternately on all thefe principles, as they have ferved a prefent occafion; but have adhered to none of them, nor even pretended to profefs them they have all been ready to fupport government, whenever they have enjoyed the administration of it; and almost all as ready to fubvert it whenever they were excluded.' He farther informs us, that he has endeavoured to recollect all the fchemes which have been hitherto offered for a coalition; and, he adds, I cannot remember one that contained any thing more than this fhort propofal, to difmifs all at that time in adminiftration, and to admit the propofer and his friends into their places, which he always calls a Coalition, and recommends as the only method to reflore concord to a nation, which he fails not to reprefent as much out of humour as himself."

After other preliminary obfervations, we come to this Writer's own scheme. I fhall, fays he, ftrike at once at the great root of all political evils, which every one knows is the miniftry itfelf; and therefore, inftead of recommending annual parliaments, I thall propofe an annual administration; in which fingle regulation my whole cheme is comprehended, and which I would have conftituted in the following manner:

On the first day of every feffion of parliament, before any bu finefs thould be proceeded on, an urn or box fhould be placed on the table of each houfe, in which fhould be depofited fmall pieces of

7

paper,

paper, infcribed with the names of all the great offices in the state, houfehold, treafury, and admiralty, and fealed up with the greatest fecrecy and care, the names of thofe offices which are ufually appropriated to the members of each houfe being put into their refpective boxes; I would then propofe that a committee of thirty from the peers, and one hundred from the commons, of their moft confiderable members, fhould be chofen by ballot, or the whole be admitted if that should give more fatisfaction, who should draw out thefe tickets from the boxes, and immediately take poffeffion of whatever poft Fortune fhould thus fling into their hands, and keep it unmolested and irremoveable during the next enfuing year, their commiffions being made accordingly as to all inferior places, they fhould remain in the fame hands, to prevent any confufion or interruption in the bufinefs of the public, until they became vacant by deaths or promotions, and then they fhould be filled up by the principals in each department for the time being; by which means they will all have equal opportunities of providing for their friends and adherents, who will not then be very numerous, or much wanted, when offices are attainable only by the foregoing method.'

Such is the fcheme of this farcaftic politician; who proceeds to confider how it will affect the King, the administration, the oppofition, and the nation: premifing that he would be understood hereby to mean all kings, adminiftrations, and oppofitions, that do, or fhall at any time exift hereafter. As to the King, I am fenfible, fays he, that this fcheme will rob him of one of the choicest of his prerogatives, the difpofal of all offices of trust and profit:-but however it may affect the rights of the crown, it will certainly relieve the poffeffor from innumerable trouble; the jewel here taken away is, indeed, one of its richeft, yet it is one of the heaviest loads on the head of the wearer, and cannot fail to convert it into a crown of thorns. It is indeed a prodigious power; but it is a perplexing power, which ferves only to make the many folicitors who must be refufed angry, and the few who are obliged ungrateful.'

Art. 27. Letters on the Subject of Imprisonment for Debt. By James Stephen. To which is prefixed, a Dedication to the Ten out of the Thirty-two Benchers who voted for Mr. Stephen's Expulfion from the Society of the Middle Temple; by the Rev. Mr. Jackfon. 8vo. 2 s. Evans. .1772.

Thefe Letters were first published in the news-papers; and it is fufficient for us to obferve of them, that they have already excited the compaffion of good men in regard to the unfortunate condition of imprisoned debtors.

Art. 28. Five Letters on important Subjects. First printed in a public Paper. Now collected and revifed. 8vo. 6 d. Owen. Thefe Letters contain hints for cafing the burdens of the poor, for the charitable releasement of prifoners for debt, and for the regula. tion of private mad-houses. The Author appears to have written from motives of pure philanthropy; and he expreffes himfelf with a fimplicity of manner which will not fail to recommend his propofals to the heart of the good and benevolent Reader. We are forry to add, that his language is lefs praife-worthy than his fentiments.

Art.

Art. 29. Political Remarks on Dr. Nowell's Sermon, preached before the Hon. Houfe of Commons, January 30, 1772. In a Let ter to Mr. B** of the University of Cambridge; in which is . confidered the great danger and Abufe of making religion an Enquiry of State. 8vo. I s. Almon. 1772.

There are perfons, it feems, not incapable of thinking, and no illwifhers to the general interests of fociety, who have reprefented Dr. Nowell's fermon as entirely irreprehenfible, thofe paffages only excepted, which are faid to have fallen under the cenfure of the House of Commons. This is a fentiment at which the Author of the Remarks before us expreffes much furprife, as he is perfuaded that the whole Difcourfe is exceptionable. He has attacked, therefore, the principles on which Dr. Nowell's fermon is founded; and with regard to the comparifon made betwixt Korah and his adherents, and the oppofers of Charles the First, juftly obferves, that there is nothing more likely to draw a writer into difagreeable and indefenfible conclufions than inftituting parallels between any fpecies of human government and the theocracy of the Jews, and between any evils or abufes which may have rifen in the one and the other. Nor is our Remarker lefs diffatified with the Doctor's pofitions concerning the influence of religion, and efpecially of falle religion, to retain men in a ftate of obedience. Religion is inclined to lend her aid to human laws, and to thofe who are chofen to execute them, fo long as they are juft; but if we will borrow it when they are unjust, the fuccour, as far as it extends, is one of the greatest evils any fociety can expe rience. Let us forbear then, fays our Author, to force religion and politicks into any unneceffary or abhorrent union: when the objects of both coincide, they will naturally co-operate. When they do not, that is, whenever the latter degenerate into principles of tyranny and oppreffion, God forbid that any perverted power, to be derived by the craft of politicians from the holy inftitutions of Heaven, should be rendered fubfervient to their fupport.

There are feveral obfervations in this performance that are worthy of notice. The Writer has not completed his defign in the prefent letter, but referves the reft of his animadverfions for another. Perhaps the whole of them might have been comprized in a fhilling pamphlet, without any material injury to the publisher. Art. 30. The Works of Algernon Sydney; a new Edition. 4to. Royal Paper. l. 7 s. bound. Becket, &c. 1772.

Great pains have been taken to render the prefent edition of this truly noble and valuable book exceeding correct and accurate. It is elegantly printed, under the fame refpectable patronage to which the public was obliged for a prior edition of Sydney on Government in the year 1763; and of which we gave a very ample and particular account in the 29th vol. of our Review. As we then fo liberally delivered our fentiments of this excellent work, we now refer our Readers to that article; and fhall only here add, that in the present edition the following additions appear, viz. I. Letters of Algernon Sydney, taken from Thurloe's State Papers. II. The Protector's Advice to Sydney, when he went to the King of Sweden in Poland. III. A general View of Government in Europe. IV. Notes. The general View was printed in 1744, in a work intitled, The Ufe and REV. Apr: 1772. Abuse

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