it should be annulled, and the company fuppreffed, on the previous notification of two years. The funds of the company amounted only at first to three hundred and fixty-nine thoufand eight hundred and ninetyone pounds five fhillings fterling. The fitting out of four veffels, which fet fail in the beginning of the year 1601, abforbed a part of this fum; and the reft was carried out in fpecie and commodities. Their firft establishments in the Eaft were peaceable, and formed by compact or agreement. They did not think of conquefts. Their expeditions were the enterprizes of merchants, humane, and juft. They were beloved; but this love did not put them in a condition to contend with nations, whofe power was formidable. The Portuguese and the Dutch were in poffeffion of extenfive provinces, of ftrong forts, and had the command of excellent harbours. These advantages fecured their commerce against the natives of the country, and against new adventurers; they facilitated their returns to Europe; and gave them the opportunity of difpofing of to advantage the merchandize they carried to Afia, and of procuring at a moderate price the goods, which they wished to purchase. The English on the contrary, dependant on the caprice of the natives, without troops, without an azylum, and deriving their funds only from England, were unable to carry on an advantageous trade. They perceived that to acquire great riches they must commit great oppreffions, and that, to furpafs or even equal in wealth, the nations, whom they cenfured, they muft imitate their conduct. The project of making conquefts and establishments was too great for an infant fociety; but the company flattered themfelves, that they would receive affiftance from government, on account of their utility to England. They were deceived; they could obtain nothing from James I; a weak Prince, who was infected with the falle philofophy of his age, and who was better calculated to govern a college than a kingdom. The company, however, by their activity and perfeverance, joined to the choice they made of their officers and factors, fupplied the want of public affiftance. They built forts in the islands of Java, Polerone, Amboyna, and Banda; and they fhared with the Dutch the spice-trade; a branch of traffic not the leaft important in the commerce of the East. At that time, it was of more confequence than it is at prefent, becaufe luxury had not * Our Author has probably committed a mistake here. The first flock of the company, in Elizabeth's time, if we can truft fome of our historians, amounted only to 72,000 1. but in the reign of James I. it was augmented to 1,500,000 1. then then made fo great a progrefs, and the stuffs of the Indies, tea, and the varnish of China had not fo extenfive a fale. • The Dutch had not chafed the Portuguese from the spice iflands, to make way for the fettlement of a nation whose maritime power, character, and government rendered them formidable. They had, indeed, innumerable advantages over their rivals. Powerful colonies, a well ordered marine, important alliances, prodigious riches, an intimate knowledge of the country, and with the principles and details of trade; all these circumstances were wanting to the English; against whom they employed artifice and force. The English were on the point of being deftroyed, when fome moderate politicians fought in Europe, where the fire of war was not yet kindled, the means of reconciling the two companies. A method the most ridiculous was adopted for this end. The Dutch and English companies fubfcribed in 1619 a treaty, which declared, that the fpice iflands belonged in common to the two nations; that the English should have one third, and the Dutch two thirds of their produce; that each company fhould proportionally contribute to the defence of the islands; that a council of intelligent men chofen out of each company fhould regulate at Batavia all matters of commerce; that this treaty guarantied by their respective states should fubfift twenty years; and that if during this interval difputes fhould arife, they should be decided by the King of Great-Britain, and the, States-General of the United Provinces. The political conventions recorded in hiftory, offer not to our view a treaty more extraordinary. It had the fate, which it merited. The Dutch fought an opportunity to annul it; and circumstances happened which favoured their views. A Japonefe in the fervice of a Hollander at Amboyna, had rendered himself fufpected by an indifcreet curiofity. He was feized, and confeffed, that he had engaged with the foldiers of his nation to deliver up the fortrefs to the English. His confeffion was confirmed by that of his companions. The authors of the confpiracy, were taken, and did not deny it. An ignomious and cruel death punished the guilty. Such is the account given of this matter by the Dutch. The English have never difcovered any thing in this accufation but the avidity of their rivals. They maintain, that it is abfurd to suppose that ten factors, and eleven foreign foldiers would form the project of poffeffing themfelves of a place, defended by a garrifon of two hundred foldiers. If they had even been certain, it is faid, of fucceeding in fo extravagant an attempt, they yet would have been deterred from it, by the abfolute impoffibility. there was, of their being able to defend themselves, againit the forces, which would have haftened to attack attack them on all fides. To render a treason of this kind probable, other proofs are neceffary than confeffions extorted by torture. These confiderations, ftrengthened by others no less ftrong, render the confpiracy at Amboyna extremely fufpicious; and, in general, it is only confidered as a cover, employed to conceal the most infatiable avarice. The minifters of James I. and the nation, were fo entirely occupied with ecclefiaitical fubtilties, and with difcuffions concerning the rights of king and fubject, that they perceived not thofe outrages which fullied the English glory in the Eaft. This indifference and weakness was fucceeded by civil wars and convulfions; a fource of greater interruption to commerce. Men engaged about what most nearly interested them, forgot the Indies; and the company oppreffed and difcouraged, had funk to nothing at the time of the violent death of Charles I. Cromwel, offended that the Dutch fhould favour the unfortunate family of Stuart, that they fhould furnish an afyJum to thofe fubjects of England whom he had profcribed; and that they affected the empire of the fea; fierce from fuccefs, and confcious of his power; was folicitous to draw to himself refpect, and to fatisfy his revenge. He declared war against the States of Holland; and history has preferved no memorial of a maritime war more fruitful in obftinate engagements, or more illuftrious, from the capacity of the commanders and the courage of the troops. The English had the advantage, and they owed it to the conftruction of their veffels, which the reft of Europe have fince imitated, The Protector did not do all that was in his power for the Eaft India company. He contented himself with requiring from the States, that they fhould not moleft the English in their trade; and that they fhould give compenfation to the defcendants of those who had fuffered at Amboyna. But no mention was made in the treaty, of the forts of which the Hollanders had violently difpoffeffed the English. It is true, that the reftitution of the isle of Polerone was ftipulated; but the ufurpers, affifted by the English negociator, whom they had corrupted, found means to wave this article. But notwithstanding the neglect with which the company was treated, they had no fooner procured from the Protector the renewal of their charter, and the certainty of affiftance from government, than they exerted themfelves with a fuccefsful vigour; and their courage grew with the extenfion of their rights and their power.' On the whole, if there is any thing that deserves cenfure in the present valuable performance, it is the repetitions, in which the Author has ventured to indulge himfelf; and the obfcurity, which arifes from his fometimes leaving a fubject in which he had made fome progrefs, and his reconfidering and difcuffing it at a future period. ART. III. Hiftoire de l'Academie Royale des Infcriptions et Belles Lettres, &c.The Hiftory of the Royal Academy of Infcriptions and Belles Lettres, from the Year 1764 to the Year 1766 inclufive. Vols. 34, 35, continued. N our laft Appendix we gave an account of a few articles contained in the hiftorical part of the thirty-fourth volume of this work; the other articles, in this department, none of which are very interesting, are upon the following fubjects, viz. the respect which the Romans entertained for religion-the true extent and figure of the Lacus Asphaltites, or Dead Sea, by M. D'Anville-the neceffity of citations in works of erudition, and the manner in which the ancients introduced their quotations, by M. Burigny-on Marius Bishop of Avranches, author of the most ancient chronicle of France, by the Baron Zur-Lauben-on the two laft French tranflations of Virgil, viz. that by Abbè des Fontaines, and that published by Defaint and Saillant in 1751-on the Abbè de Foy's Notice des Diplomes, by the Ba ron Zur-Lauben. The hiftorical part of the thirty-fourth volume is followed by the Eleges of Count D'Argenfon, Count Caylus, and M. Le Beau, jun. all of them curious and entertaining but as the character of Count Caylus is known to almoft all who either are, or pretend to be, judges of the fine arts, it cannot fail of proving agreeable to our Readers to learn fome of the principal circumstances of his life. We fhall therefore present them with the fubftance of what is contained in his Eloge. Count Caylus was defcended from a very ancient and noble family; he was born at Paris in October 1692. The Count, his father, was particularly attentive to his fon's health, in his earliest years, and did every thing in his power to make his conftitution hardy and robuft; in which he perfectly succeeded. The Countefs, his mother, who was nearly related to Madam Maintenon, and whofe amiable qualities rendered her the ornament of the court, was at great pains to improve his understanding and his heart; and no person was better qualified for fuch a task. She infpired her fon with the love of truth, justice, and generofity, and with the nicest fentiments of honour. The amiable qualities and talents of the mother appeared in the son, but they appeared with a bold and military air: in his natural temper and difpofition he was gay and sprightly, had a taste for pleasure, a strong paffion for independence, and an, invincible averfion averfion to the fervitude of a court, though unalterably attached to the perfon of his Prince.. After finishing his exercifes, he entered into the corps of the Mufquetaires, and in his firft campaign, in the year 1709, he diftinguished himself, by his valour, in fuch a manner, that the King commended him in the prefence of all the court, and rewarded his merit with an enfigncy in the Gendarmerie. In 1711 he commanded a regiment of dragoons, which was called by his own name; and he fignalized himself at the head of it in Catalonia. In 1713 he was at the fiege of Fribourg, where he was expofed to imminent danger in the bloody attack of the covered way. Had he been difpofed to enter into the views of his family, the favour of Madam Maintenon, and his own perfonal merit, could not fail to have railed him to the higheft honours; but the peace of Raftadt left him in a state of inactivity, ill fuited to his natural vivacity. He travelled into Italy, and his curiofity was much excited by the wonders of that country, where antiquity, though bu ried, is ftill fruitful, and rifes fometimes from her tomb, to give birth to artists, and, by a happy imitation, to produce new models. The eyes of the Count were not yet learned, but they were ftruck with the fight of fo many beauties, and foon became acquainted with them. After a year's abfence, he returned to Paris, with fo ftrong a paffion for travelling, and for antiquities, as induced him to quit the army. About eight months after, he fet out for the Levant. When he arrived at Smyrna, he availed himself of a few days delay, and vifited the ruins of Ephefus. It was in vain that the dangers attending a journey of this kind were reprefented to him. The formidable Caracayali had put himself at the head of a troop of robbers, and fpread confternation over all Natolia. But our Adventurer was fuperior to fear; and bethought himself of a ftratagem which fucceeded. Having procured a mean garb, and taking nothing with him that could attract attention, or tempt any robber, he put himself under the protection of two of Caracayali's band, who had come to Smyrna. He made an agreement with them; but they were to have no money till they returned. As they had an intereft in protecting and taking care of him, never were guides more faithful. They introduced him, with his interpreter. to their chief, who received him very graciously, and even affifted him in gratifying his curiofity. The chief informed him that, at no great diftance, there were ruins worthy of being vifited, and accommodated him with a pair of fine Arabian horfes. The Count was not long in finding thefe ruins they were thofe of Colophon. He was particularly ftruck with the remains of a theatre, the feats of which being scooped out of a hill that looks towards the fea, the fpec tator, |