really as unimportant as it is represented? 'Tis the principle which is to be resisted at every hazard. "Tis the pretention to make us tributary, in opposition to which every American ought to resign the last drop of his blood.

The pratings of the Gallic faction at this time remind us of those of the British faction at the commencement of our revolution.

The insignificance of a duty of three pence per pound on tea was echoed and re-echoed as the bait to an admission of the right to bind us in all cases whatsoever.

The tools of France incessantly clamor against the treaty with Britain as the just cause of the resentment of France. It is curious to remark, that in the conferences with our envoys this treaty was never once mentioned by the French agents. Particular passages in the speech of the President are alone specified as a ground of dissatisfaction. This is at once a specimen of the fruitful versatility with which causes of complaint are contrived, and of the very slight foundations on which they are adopted. A temperate expression of sensibility at an outrageous indignity, offered to our government by a member of the Directory, is converted into a mortal offence. The tyrants will not endure a murmur at the blows they inflict. But the dispatches of our envoys, while they do not sanction the charge preferred by the Gallic faction against the treaty, confirm a very serious charge which the friends of the government bring against that faction. They prove by the unreserved confession of her agents, that France places absolute dependence on this party in every event, and counts upon their devotion to her as an encouragement to the hard conditions which they attempt to impose. The people of this country must be infatuated indeed, if after this plain confession they are at a loss for the true source of the evils they suffered, or may hereafter suffer from the despots of France. 'Tis the unnatural league of a portion of our citizens with the oppressors of their country.

TITUS MANLIUS.

A FRENCH FACTION.

1798.

There is a set of men whose mouths are always full of the phrases, British faction-British agents-British influence. Feeling that they themselves are interested in a foreign faction, they imagine that it must be so with every one else-and that whoever will not join with them in sacrificing the interests of their country to another country, must be engaged in an opposite foreign faction-Frenchmen in all their feelings and wishes, they can see in their opponents nothing but Englishmen. Every true American-every really independent man, becomes in their eyes, a British agent-a British emissary.

The truth is, that there is in this country a decided French faction, but no other foreign faction. I speak as to those who have a share in the public councils, or in the political influence of the country-those who adhered to Great Britain during the revolution may be presumed, generally, to have still a partiality for her. But the number of those who have at this time any agency in public affairs, is very insignificant. They are neither numerous nor weighty enough to form in the public councils a distinct faction. Nor is it to this description of men that the passage is applied.

The satellites of France have the audacity to bestow it upon men who have risked more in opposition to Great Britain, than but few of them ever did-to men who have given every possible proof of their exclusive devotion to the interests of their own country. Let facts speak. The leaders of the French faction during the war managed to place the minister of the country abroad in a servile dependence on the ministry of France, and but for the virtuous independence of those men, which led them to break their instructions, it is very problematical we should have had as early, or as good a peace as that we obtained. The same men, during the same period, effected the revocation of a commission which had been given for making a commercial

treaty with Great Britain, and again, on the approach of peace, defeated an attempt to produce a renewal of that commission, and thus lost an opportunity known to have been favorable for establishing a beneficial treaty of commerce with that countrythough they have since made the obtaining of such a treaty, a pretext for reiterated attempts to renew hostilities with her. The same men have been constantly laboring, from the first institution of the present government, to render it subservient, not to the advancement of our own manufactures, but to the advancement of the navigation and manufactures of France.

In a proposal which aims at fostering our own navigation and elevating our own manufactures, by giving them advantages over those of all foreign nations, a thousand obstacles occur--a thousand alarms are sounded-usurpation of ungranted powers— designs to promote the interests of particular parts of the Union at the expense of other parts of it, and innumerable other spectres are conjured up to terrify us from the pursuit. Is the project to confer particular favors upon the navigation and manufactures of France, even at the expense of the United States-then all difficulties vanish. This is the true and only object of the Constitution-for this it was framed-by this alone it can live and have a being. To this precious end, we are assured, the States who may particularly suffer, will be willing to sacrifice. In this holy cause we are to risk every thing-our trade, our navigation—our manufactures—our agriculture—our revenues—our peace. Not to consent is to want spirit-to want honor-to want patriotism. Thus does Gallicism assume the honorable part of patriotism.

THE WAR IN EUROPE.

1799.

Every step of the progress of the present war in Europe has been marked with horrors. If the perpetration of them was confined to those who are the acknowledged instruments of des

potic power, it would excite less surprise-but when they are acted upon by those who profess themselves to be the champions of the rights of man, they naturally occasion both wonder and regret. Passing by the extreme severities which the French have exercised in Italy, what shall we think of the following declarations of Jourdan to the inhabitants of Germany.

Good God! is it then a crime for men to defend their own government and country? Is it a punishable offence in the Germans that they will not accept from the French what they offer as liberty at the point of the bayonet? This is to confound all ideas of morality and humanity-it is to trample upon all the rights of man and nations-it is to restore the ages of barbarism, according to the laws and practice of modern war; the peasantry of a country, if they remain peaceably at home, are protected from other harm than a contribution to the necessities of the invading army. Those who join the armies of their country and fight with them, are considered and treated as other soldiers. But the present French doctrine is, that they are to be treated as rebels and criminals.

German patriotism is a heinous offence in the eyes of French PATRIOTS. How are we to solve this otherwise than by observing that the French are influenced by the same spirit of domination which governed the ancient Romans. They considered themselves as having a right to be the masters of the world, and to treat the rest of mankind as their vassals. How clearly is it proved by this that the praise of a world is justly due to Christianity;-war, by the influence of the humane principles of that religion, had been stripped of half its horrors. The French renounce Christianity, and they relapse into barbarism— war resumes the same hideous and savage form which it wore in the ages of Gothic and Roman violence.

ALLEGORICAL DEVICE.

1799.

A globe, with Europe and part of Africa on one side, America on the other, the Atlantic between. The portion occupied by America to be larger than that occupied by Europe. A Colossus to be placed on this globe, with one foot on Europe, the other extending partly over the Atlantic towards America, having on his head a quintuple crown, in his right hand an iron sceptre, projecting but broken in the middle; in his left hand a pileus (cap of liberty) reversed-the staff entwined by a snake with its head downward, having the staff of the pileus in its mouth, and folding in its tail (as if in the act of strangling) a label with the words "Rights of Man." Upon a base supported by fifteen columns erected on the continent of America, the genius of America to be placed, represented by the figure of Pallas--a female in armor, with a firm, composed countenance, a golden breast-plate, a spear in her right hand, and an ægis or shield in her left, having upon it the scales of justice (instead of the Medusa's head); her helmet encircled with wreaths of olive, her spear striking upon the sceptre of the Colossus and breaking it asunder; over her head a radiated crown of glory. It would improve the allegory to represent the Atlantic in a tempest, as indicative of rage, and Neptune in the position of aiming a blow at the Colossus with his trident.

Explanation. It is known that the globe is an ancient symbol of universal dominion. This, with the Colossus, alluding to the French Directory, will denote the project of acquiring such dominion-the position of the Colossus signifying the intent to extend it to America. The Colossus will represent the American States; and Pallas, as the genius of America, will intimate that though loving peace as a primary object (of which the olive-wreath is the symbol), yet, guided by wisdom and justice, America successfully exerts her valor to break the sceptre of the tyrant.