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THE REGENT'S MESSAGE.

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of our not going to war with France, or in that country, if we should be Contrary to general expectation; contrary so unwise as to renew the contest, at least to the war-breathing and sanguin- and as it may be necessary to refer ary wishes of the conductors of ourCossack to it in future discussions, I have annexnewspapers; contrary to the views of ed a copy of it to this article. To me it the numerous herd of public contractors; appears to favour the doctrine of assassi contrary to the anxious desires of naval nation; but I may be wrong in this opinion. and military promotion hunters; but ex- Ministers have disclaimed this constructremely consolatory to my mind, and, 1 tion of it, and I am willing to give them trust, to the minds of all those who sin- credit for the disclaimation. In the Times cerely love their country, and wish the and Courier, however, the writers of these happiness of the human race; the Prince detestable papers have the audacity to Regent's Message to Parliament is not tell their readers, in direct opposition to a Declaration of War against France, the disavowal of ministers, that it was either for the overthrow of Napoleon, or the intention of the Allies to give Naporestoration of the Bourbons.-The follow- leon up to the dagger of the assassin.ing is a copy-George P. R. The Even so late as the 6th inst. the Courier "Prince Regent, acting in the name and speaks of the Declaration as a measure by "on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks which the sovereigns of Europe have it right to inform the House of Com" put him (Napoleon) out of the pale of mons, that the events which have re- "the law, and SET A CAIN MARK UPON "cently occurred in France, in direct" HIM." No language can be plainer "contravention of the engagements con- than this. The denunciation upon Cain, "cluded with the Allied Powers, at Paris, the murderer of his brother, as recorded " in the month of April last, and which in the Bible, was, a fugitive and a va"threaten consequences highly dange-"gabond shalt thou be on the earth;" rous to the tranquillity and independ- which Cain immediately interpreted thus, ence of Europe, have induced his "And it shall come to pass, that every Royal Highness to give directions for "one that findeth me shall slay me.""the augmentation of his Majesty's land It would seem, notwithstanding the atro"and sea forces.-The Prince Regent city which this man had been guilty of, "has likewise deemed it incumbent upon that it was not intended he should be put him, to lose no time in entering into to death, without some form of law; "communications with his Majesty's Al- therefore a mark was put upon his fore"lies, for the purpose of forming such head, "lest any finding him should kill a concert as may most effectually pro- "him." But the Courier tell us that the "vide FOR THE GENERAL AND PER. allies have put Napoleon "out of the pale "MANENT SECURITY OF EUROPE." of the law"; which can have no other "And his Royal Highness coufidently meaning than that he should be put to "relies on the support of the House of death without trial by any one who choose "Commons, in all measures which may to become his assassin; and that there are "be necessary for the accomplishment of people ready to perform this very honora "this important object."-The effect ble deed, is pretty evident from the manwhich this moderate language has al- ner in which the doctrine of assassination ready had, upon our infamous newspaper is discussed in, what is called, the free press, forms, indeed, a striking contrast press of this virtuous, this moral, this to the outrageous abuse, with which it religious country.-Amongst the innumer has teemed, ever since the return of Na-able falsehoods that have lately been propoleon, particularly since the famous declaration of the Allies of the 13th ult. which, from its extraordinary complexion, I was, at first, inclined to consider a forgery; but which, I am not sorry to fiud, was really put forth by the ministers of the crowned heads, assembled at Vienna. As the publication of this declaration is likely to produce some important changes at home, in the event

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pagated by the men of blood, to excite a new war against France, I am glad to find one of these pointedly contradicted by Ministers which encouraged the belief that "there was a secret article in the

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treaty of Paris, by which this country "became bound to support Louis XVIII. "in case of insurrection in France." This has been formally and officially con tradicted in both Houses of Parliament,

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sitions sanctioned by that Treaty, and those which they have resolved on, or shall hereafter resolve on, to complete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their means, and will unite all their efforts; that the general peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the constant purpose of their labours, may hot again be troubled; and to guarantee against every attempt which shall threaten to replunge the world into the disorders and miseries of revolutions. And although entirely persuaded that all France, rallying round its legitimate Sovereign, will immediately annihilate this last attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium; all the Sovereigns of Europe animated by the same sentiments, and guid

What then can those advocates for pers They declare at the same time, that firmly petual war now say, wher they find their resolved to maintain entire the Treaty of favourite project a civil war, an insur-Paris of 30th May, 1814, and the disporection against Napoleon's Government, so soon blown into air? One.would have thought that the miserable termination of the La Vendee war in 1792 would have taught these men the folly of relying on so rotten a foundation. We are every day told that Napoleon is a monster and a despot, and that he cares no more for the people of France than to make them the tools to serve his private ends, and promote his ámbitious projects. But let those who hold him up in this light, recollect the magnanimity of his conduet, when he abdicated the throne of France, and consented to be an exile, rather than allow one drop of French blood to be shed for his personal rights -Let them remember this unparalleled instance of magnanimity, and let themed by the same principles, declare that if, compare it with their own endeavours to create a civil war in France, in support of an unnatural claim to the crown against the unanimous suffrage of the whole people. If they are capable at all of feeling repugnance, for error, this comparison would make them blush for their infamous conduct, and hide their heads in silence for ever.

DECLARATION.

contrary to all calculations, there should result from this event any real danger, they will be ready to give to the King of France, and to the French nation, or to any other Government that shall be attacked, as soon as they shall be called upon, all the assistance requisite to restore public tranquillity, and to make a common cause against all those who should undertake to compromise it. The present Declaration inserted in the Register of the Congress assembled at Vienna, on the 13th March, 1815, shall be made public. Done and attested by the Plenipotentiaries of the High Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, Vienna, 13th March, 1815.

Metternich,

Baron

Here follow the signatures, in the alphabetical order of the Courts: Austria.-Prince Wissenberg. France.-Prince Talleyrand, the Duke of Dalberg, Latour du Pin, Count Alexis and Neuilles.

The Powers who have signed the Treaty of Paris, assembled at the Con gress at Vienna, being informed of the escape of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity and the interest of social order, to make a solemn declaration of the sentiments which this event has excited in them. By thus breaking the convention which has established him in the island of Elba; Bonaparte destroys the only legal title of which his existence dependedby appearing again in France with projects of confusion and disorder, he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and has manifested to the universe, that there can be neither peace nor truče with him. The Powers consequently declare, that Napoleon Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil Russia.-Count Rasimowsky, Count, and social relations; and that as

an enemy and disturber of the tran

Great Britain.--Wellington, Clancarty,
Catheart, Stewart.

Portugal.-Count Pamella Saldonha Lebș-
Prussia-Prince Hardenberg, Laron

Humboldt.

Stacekelberg, Count» Nesselrode,

quillity of the world he has rendered Spain:-P. Gomez Labrador,

mself liable to public vengeance. | Sweden.---Lafmenhelm,

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ON RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION.

LETTER

VIII.

be so sincere and serions as those who induced to officiate through the

are

*We do not pretend to destroy error by force and impulse of their own feelings, which is

"violence."

commonly termed "a call of God." If a nobleman or gentleman has several Discourse of the Clergy of France to Louis 13th. sons, the principal part of his fortune MIRABAND, in bis System de la Nature, goes to the eldest, and the remainder which may be considered the Bible of must fleece the public in the character Materialism, says, that "Preists unceas- of a priest, a soldier, or a legalized pick"ingly repeat, it is pride, vanity, and pocket. How many a young man is "the desire of distinguishing himself from brought up to the trade of a priest with"the generality of mankind, that deter- out having the least taste for the craft, "mines man to incredulity. In this they or a single serious view; yet, before he "act like the great, who treat all those as can be admitted into the exercise of his "insolent who refuse to cringe before business, he is obliged to make a false them. Would not every rational man oath, and swear he is moved by the "have a right to ask a Priest-Where Holy Ghost to take that office upon him, "is thy superiority in matters of reason- when he ought rather to say, "I am "ing!-What motives can I have to sub-moved by the spirit of emolument."mit my reason to thy delirium?-On But even these kind of men, unless they the other hand, may it not be said to are thinkers, are not always hypothe Clergy, that it is Interest that crites. Though they do not act up to "makes them priests; that it is Interest the character of a spiritual christian, "which renders them Theologians; that their education has led tem to believe "it is the Interest of their pride, of their in the truth of their religion.-I am aware avarice, and their Systems, of which that thousands of them do not credit they alone reap the benefit."-It is a what they preach, because the studies of great misfortune that the bulk of Man-many lea nd men have the unfortunate kind can seldom give those persons credit for Virtue or Sincerity whose opinions are much opposed to their own. For my part, (as a primitive Christian) I am a decided enemy to an order of men called Priests, because Fam convinced that Jesus was 100 sensible a person to have ́invented, or encouraged, in the slightest degree,

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tendency of leading them to scepticism; but I will be bold to assert, that the bulk of them firmly believe their religion to be genuine and authentic, and that some few have that warm interest in their system which is called piety.

Esoterical and exoterical doctrines, are not so much in use now, as they were institution so pregnant with Calami- among the ancients, who inculcated st ty to the Church of God as that of Priest-perstition only among the lower orders, craft.-And though I think that the Sys-while they initiated every enlightened tems of Religion most in vogue at person into the pure and simple precepts present ought to be denominated of NATURE. But with us there are thou Priestianity, instead of Christianity, I am by no means so illiberal as to assert that all priests are hypocrites. I am seriously persuaded that numbers of then take up their office entirely through zeal and enthusiasm in the cause of Christ, and with the sole view to-the salvation of souls, by bringing them within the pale of their conventicle. This, to be sure, is most applicable to the dissenting interest; for having, in the days of my youth, been a fanatic, and a preacher among them, I ought to be acquainted with some of the motives that influence their conduct. With regard to the State religion, its ministers are brought up to it in a more trades-like manner, and are not likely to

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sands of accomplished scholars, and persous of rank, who still retain the prejudices of education, it being no part of our civil or religious polity, to tree them from these shackles. I am willing to admit, what Miraband says of the Priests, that their interest must necessarily attach them to systems from which they reap so much benefit. We all know that nothing is more than interest calen'ated to entrap us. But how weak is their argument, when they assert, that it is pride, vanity, and a desire of distinguishing themselves from their fellow creatures, that determines them to infidelity.-I should like to be informed what advantage any man has gained, by being a professed unbeliever? Or, whe

ther the acknowledgement of such sentiments has not always been attended with certain loss, and caused the individual to be viewed with horror and suspicion, by the ignorant and narrow minded, who form the mass of society; besides being persecuted by the Priests and all fanatical bigots. A man can only be credulous, or abound in faith, or incredulous;and be a sceptic,according as those things which are proposed for his belief strike his understanding, over which he has no command; he must submit to be guided by the impressions it receives, whether strong or weak, right or wrong. He is much more likely to be governed by ambition, pride, vanity, ostentation, and sordid avarice, when he puts on the garb of religion, (so current a commodity with the world in general,) than if he confessed himself an infidel, which would immediately raise the public voice against him, and cause him to be looked upon as a bad man, who, wanting faith in incomprehensibles and incredibles, could not possibly possess good morals, or be a worthy member of society. The ignorant, bigotted, and superstitious, are many; the enlightened, rational, and sceptical, very few, and those few often concealed. The stimulus to action must therefore be on the side of the hypocritical religious, rather than on that of the ostentatious Deist. But I cannot, easily believe that there are any persons who have faith and profess infidelity, because I can see so few cases where a person would have an interest in so doing. Nothing is more absurd than to think people cannot be sincere in the opinions they profess, merely because they appear monstrous or ridiculous to us. Such is the effect of education, habit, situation, and circumstances, that I can credit the superstition even of learned Bishops, and eminent Philosophers; and such is the force of human reason, when once the mind is set free, that I can equally give credence to its arrival at the speculations of Deism, the doubts of Scepticism, and even the cold and cheerless decisions of Materialism (so unflattering to self) with the same implicit sincerity as the dying Christian, or Mahomedan, yields his soul into the hands of his Maker.-The reason why I have said thus much of the Priesthood, without coming to Religious Persecution, my favourite theme, is that consider the spirit of persecution to have

emanated from Priestcraft. If in the present instance, therefore, I labour wore in developing the cause, than in describing the effect, I trust I shall be considered as still supporting the title I am writi under, which I deem equally comprehensive with that of toleration, upon which entire treatises have been published.

The Priesthood of every Sect promulgate dogmas, which they assert are essentially necessary to be believed by those who wish to obtain salvation. They shew some ancient traditions, which they tell us are infallible, and were written by divine inspiration; that they are the words of eternal truth; and that if we cannot enthusiastically believe every iota of them, we shall be consigned to everlasting damnation.

In consequence of these doctrines, the nurse begins to impress certain notions on our memory the moment we can talk; next the school-master confining them through the medium of a catechism, whereby we are asked certain questions (the wisdom or absurdity of which our infantine capacities are not capable of comprehending) and answers are put into our mouths, ready cut and contrived These, by constant recapitulation, are deeply imprinted on our minds, and we believe them the dictates of reason and truth.-Then comes the Priest, who puts his seal to the statement, already writen upon the blank sheet of our youthful understandings; inforces, with a particular emphasis, those ideas which have previously been infused in the mind; and inspires us with a peculiar reverence for sacerdotal office. Having been brought to this trade, like other men to their respective avocations, he works upon the ignorant and superstitious with the same facility that the skilful musican plays upon a well tuned instrument. We are instructed by him to read certain books and to believe implicitly every word they contain; to study them with a view to applaud and adore the matters they treat of; and we are terrified at the infamy with which those are branded who are so unfortunate as to doubt or disrespect any thing mentioned in those books, or that is uttered by the priest. We are honored up by the horrid sentence of an eternal roasting, if we should die without being able to believe in those points, which our priest says are requisite to procure us a pass-port to the

mansion of bliss. He carefully conceals from our knowledge every thing likely to bring his calling into discredit, or to injure the profits of his craft. We thugrow up, bigotted to a variety of opinions adopted without examination, and which we have no better ground for ereditio than that we have been told they are correct, and that our friends an those around us think as we do. We are taught to refuse the evidence of our senses, to give up our reason as an unfaithful guide, and blindly to conform ourselves to the mandates of our spiritual director, whose interest it is to continue us in these errors, of which he only reaps the advantage.

ERASMUS PERKINS.

Louis, and we are called upon to consider this trifling coterie of the friends of parental sovereignty, as the nation of France. Oh, it is quite

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impossible (says the Times) but that "there must be a great many that are "devoted to the parental government of "Louis." And this great number did absolutely nothing at the only time when any thing could be done. Unattended by an armed force that deserves any conside ration in a country like France, the Emperor reached his capital without any molestation: yet this we are told is no proof he was wished-for by the people. The air resounds with general acclamations and 'tis merely the cry of the rabble. But when the real rabble begin to cry out on their side, their feeble cries are the Mr. COBBETT, The infamy of the voice of the nation, forsooth! and we "Times" newspaper needs not any fur- are not to look in the capital of France ther illustration than what has been given for the voice of the people, but in the to it by a variety of your able correspond-obscure retreats, which are the patrients, in addition to your own invaluable mony of those who are interested in raisefforts in the glorious cause of exposing ing the delusive hope of effectual resistpublic delusion, and attempting to de- ance. JUVENIS. stroy that credulity of our countrymen which renders then the perpetual dupes of any one who will attempt that species of deception, which is now almost proverbial with the conductors of our daify press. But there is one palpable contradiction to itseif, which will, perhaps, cause even some of its readers to blush at the confidence they repose in it, when they see the wretched prevarication and contemptible double-dealing it is obliged to resort to, to give its rhapsodies even an ideal plausibility.

You have doubtless perceived, Sir, that the editor of the Times, constantly asserted, that the people never were in favour of Napoleon; that they detested him; that the movements had all originated with a few discontented indivi. duals, and that this was the truth, the Editor pledged his veracity, (no great risk to be sure !) Notwithstanding all this Bonaparte has reascended his throne-not a shot being fired in opposition to either himself, or his pretensions. And yet all this has happened in direct opposition to the mass of the population of France. Very well. Now let us look at the other side. A few, confessedly, assert the claims of Louis, in the South of France. This is immediately exalted into a proof, that the population, or a large proportion of them are in favour of

I am, &c.

PEACE OR WAR?

Is then my Country so perversely blind,
To what experience must have taught mankind ?
To what her welfare dictates as to dare,
Without just cause, plunge madly into War;
Will she unsheath her bloodstain'd sword again,
And swell the dreadful list of England's slain?
Because a nation, to the World has shewn
Its right to hurl a sov'reign from the throne,
Rais'd to the dang'rous height, by foreign choice,
By foreign arms, against the people's voice ;

Because they've placed the sceptre in the hand
of one, they think more worthy to command ?
In such a cause, will England wreck her fame,
For ever lose her once-respected name ;
That name, which made despotic monarchs fear,
And which to Britons, should be always dear.
No! if one spark of honour yet remains,
If British blood still flows within our veins,
If love of country still can warm the heart,
From its pure dictates let us not depart ;
Let us not headlong on destruction run,
But keep those laurels, we have nobly won.
Does not the precipice, on which we stand,
Appal the hearts of those, who rule the land?
Do they not know, REFORM alone can save
This hapless, sinking country, from the grave?,

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