when its publicity does not compromise the interest of the State. 20. The sittings of the two Chambers are public. They may, however, go into secret committee, the Peers on the demand mand of twenty-five members. Government may also require secret committees when it has communications to make. In all cases deliberation and vote can only be in public sitting. Adoption does not transmit to him who is its object, the dignity of the Peerage. Peers take their seats at twenty-one years of age, but have no deliberative voice till twentyfive. 5. The Arch-Chancellor of the Em-of ten, and the representatives on the depire is President of the Chamber of Peers, or in certain cases a Member of the Chamber specially designated by the Emperor. 6. The Members of the Imperial Family, in hereditary order, are Peers of right. They take their seats at 18 years of age, but have no deliberate, voice till 21. 7. The second Chamber, called that of Representatives, is elected by the people. 8. Its members are 629 in number. They must be 25 years old at least. 9. Their President is appointed by the Chamber, at the opening of the first Session. He retains his functions till the renewal of the Chamber. His nomination is submitted to the approbation of the Emperor. 21. The Emperor may prorogue, adjourn, and dissolve the Chamber of Representatives. The Proclamation which pro. nounces the dissolution convokes the Electoral Colleges for a new election; and fixes the meeting of representatives within six mouths at the farthest. 22. During the recess of sessions of the Chambers of Representatives, or in case of its dissolution, the Chamber of Peers cannot meet. 23. Government has the proposal of 10. This Chamber verifies the powers of laws; the Chambers can propose amendits Members, and pronounces on the vali-ments; if these amendments are not adoptdity of contested elections. ed by Government, the Chambers are bound to vote on the law such as it was proposed. 11. Its Members receive for travelling expenses, and during the Session, the pay decreed by the Constituent Assembly. 12. They are indefinitely re-eligible. 13. The Chamber of Representatives is of right wholly renewed every five years. 14. No Member of either Chamber can be arrested, except in FLAGRANTE DELICTO, nor prosecuted in any criminal or correctional matter during a Session, but in virtue of a resolution of the Chamber of which he forms a part. 15. None can be arrested or detained for debt, from the date of convocation, nor for forty days after the Session. 16. In criminal.or correctional matters Peers are judged by their Chamber, according to prescribed forms. 17. The office of peer and representative is compatible with all other public functions, except those of matters of account (comptables); prefects and sub-prefects are, however, ineligible. 24. The Chambers have the power of inviting Government to propose a law on a determinate object, and to draw up what it appears to them proper to insert in the law. This claim may be made by either Chamber. 25. When a Bill is adopted in either Chamber, it is carried to the other; and if there approved, it is carried to the Em peror. 26. No written discourse, excepting re ports of Committees, of Ministers on laws, and accounts, can be read in either Chamber. TITLE II OF ELECTORAL COLLEGES AND 27. The Electoral Colleges of Department and Arrondissement are maintained, with the following modifications: 28. The Cantonal Assemblies will yearly fill up by elections all the vacancies in 18. The Emperor sends to the Cham-electoral colleges. bers Ministers and Counsellors of State, who sit there and take part in the debates, but have no deliberative voice unless they are peers or elected by the people. 19. The Ministers, thus Members of either Chamber, or sitting there by mission from Government, give to the Chambers such information as is deemed necessary, 29. Dating from 1814, a Member of the Chamber of Peers appointed by the Emperor shall be President for life, and irremovable of every Electoral College of Department. 30. Dating from the same period, the Electoral College of every Department shall appoint, among the Members of cach College of arrondissement, the president and two vice-presidents. For that purpose, the meeting of the departmental colleges shall precede by a fortnight that of the college of arrondissement. 31. The colleges of department and arrondissement shall appoint the number of representatives fixed for each in the table adjoined. ber of Representatives, and are tried by that of Peers. 41. Every Minister, every Commandant of armed force, by land or sea, may be accused by the Chamber of Representatives, and tried by that of Peers, for having compromised the safety or honour of the nation. 42. The Chamber of Peers, in that case, exercises a discretional power either in classing the offence or mitigating the punishment. 32. The representatives may be chosen indiscriminately from the whole extent of France. Every college of department or arrondissement which shall choose a mem- 43. Before placing a Minister in accuber out of its bounds, shall appoint a sup-sation, the Chamber of Representatives plementary member, who must be taken must declare that there is ground for exfrom the department or arrondissement. amining the charge. 33, Manufacturing and commercial industry and property, shall have special representatives. The election of commercial and manufacturing representatives shall be made by the electoral college of department, from a list of persons eligible, drawn up by the Chambers of Commerce, and the Consultative Chambers united. TITLE III.-OF TAXATION. 34. The general direct tax, whether on land or moveables, is voted only for one year; indirect taxes may be voted for several years. In case of the dissolution of the Chamber of Representatives, the taxes voted in the preceding session are continued till the next meeting of the Chamber. 35. No tax, direct or indirect, in money or kind, can be levied, no loan contracted, no inscription in the great book of the public debt can be made, no domain alienated or sold, no levy of men for the army ordered, no portion of territory exchanged, but in virtue of a law. 36. No proposition of tax, loan, or levy of men, can be made but to the Chamber of Representatives. 37. Before the same Chamber must be laid, in the first instance, 1. The General Budget of the State, containing a view of the receipts, and the proposal of the funds assigned for the year, to each department of service: 2. The account of the receipts and expences of the year or of preceding years. TITLE IV. OF MINISTERS, AND OF RE SPONSIBILITY. 38. All the acts of Government must be countersigned by a Minister in office. 39. The Ministers are responsible for acts of Government signed by them, as well as for the execution of the laws. 40. They may be accused by the Cham 44. This declaration can only be made on the report of a Committee of 60, drawn by lot. This Committee must make its report in 10 days or sooner after its nomination. 45. When the Chamber declares there is ground for enquiry, it may call the Minister before them to demand explanations, at least within 10 days after the report of the Committee. 46. In no other case can Ministers in office be summoned or ordered by the Chambers. 47. When the Chamber of Representatives has declared that there is ground for inquiry against a minister, a new committee of 60 drawn by lot is formed, who are to make a new report on the placing in accusation. This committee makes its report 10 days after its appointment. 48. The placing in accusation is not to take place till 10 days after the report is read and distributed. 49. The accusation being pronounced, the Chamber appoints five of its members to prosecute the charge before the Peers. 50. The 75th art. of the constitutional acts of the 22d Frimaire, year 8, importing that the agents of government can only be prosecuted in virtue of a decision of the Council of State, shall be modified by a law. TITLE V. OF THE JUDICIAL POWER. 51. The Emperor appoints all Judges. They are irremovable and for life from the moment of there appointment; but the nomination of Justices of Peace, and Judges of Commerce, shall take place as formerly. The existing Judges, appointed by the Emperor in terms of the Senatus Consultum of the 12th Oct. 1807, and whom he shall think proper to retain, shall receive ary next. provisions for life before the 1st of Janu- the petition. They are publicly read ; and if the Chambers take them into consi52. The institution of juries is main-deration, they are laid before the Emperor tained. by the President. 53. The discussions on criminal trials shall be public. 54. Military offences alone shall be tried by military tribunals. 55. All other offences, even those committed by military men, are within the jurisdiction of civil tribunals. 56. All the crimes and offences which were appropriated for trial to the high Imperial Court, and of which this act does not reserve the trial to the Chamber of Peers, shall be brought before the ordinary tribunals. 57. The Emperor has the right of pardon, even in correctional cases, and of granting amnesties. 58. Interpretations of laws demanded by the Court of Cassation shall be given in the form of a law. TITLE VI.-RIGHTS OF CITIZENS. 59 Frenchmen are equal in the eye of the law, whether for contribution to taxes and public burthens, or for admission to civil and military employments. 60. No one, under any pretext, can be withdrawn from the judges assigned to .him by law. 61. No one can be prosecuted, arrested, detained, or exiled, but in cases provided for by law, and according to the prescribed forms. all. 62. Liberty of worship is guaranteed to 63. All property possessed or acquired in virtue of the laws, and all debts of the state, are inviolable. 61. Every citizen has a right to print and publish his thoughts, on signing them, without any previous censorship, liable at the same time, after publication, to legal responsibility by trial by jury, even where there is ground only for the application of a constitutional penalty. 65. The right of petitioning is secured to all the citizens. Every petition is iudividual. Petitions may be addressed either to Government or to the two Chambers; nevertheless, even the latter must also be entitled "To the Emperor." They shall be presented to the Chambers under the guarantee of a member who recommends 66. No fortress, no portion of territory, can be declared in a state of siege, but in case of invasion by a foreign force, or of civil broils. In the former case the declaration is made by an act of the Government. In the latter it can only be done by. the law. However, should the two Chambers not then be sitting, the act of the Goverment, declaring the state of siege, must be converted into a plan of law within a fortnight after the meeting of the Chambers. 67. The French People moreover de-. clare, that in the delegation which it has made and makes of its powers, it has not meant, and does not mean to give a right to propose the reinstatement of the Bourbons, or any Prince of that family on the throne, even in case of the extinction of the Imperial dynasty; nor the right of reestablishing either the ancient feudal nobility, or the feudal and seignorial rights, or tithes, or any privileged or predominant. religion; nor the power to alter the irrevocability of the sale of the national domains; it formally interdicts to the Government, the Chambers, and the Citizens, all propositions on that subject. Given at Paris, April 22, 1915. m (Signed) NAPOLEON. By the Emperor, (Signed) The Duke of BAssano. Then follows a decree regulating the proportion of representatives for each department, who are in all to be 605. Another decree appoints 23 Deputies to be nominated for all the arrondissements, from among merchants, ship owners, bankers, and manufacturers. They shall be chosen by the electoral colleges, out of lists presented by every department. Then follows a decree for opening registers in which the votes on the constitution are to be inscribed. They are to be open ten days. The act of the constitution is also to be sent to the army and navy. The assembly of the field of May, for examining the votes, &c. is appointed for the 26th May. Printed and Published by G. HouSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded, VOL. XXVII. No. 18.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 6, 1815. £5] TO THE PEOPLE OF NOTTINGHAM, On the Motives and Prospects of the War. Amongst those towns of England which have shewn the best spirit, for many years past, as to political matters, Nottingham stands at least as forward as any, and, therefore, I address to you the observations, which, at this critical period, I think it my duty to publish, on the Motives and Prospects of that War, which, perhaps, will be begun before this paper reaches the press. [Price 1s. [546 soon as he is strong, and that, therefore, we ought to fall upon him and destroy him while he is weak. Whether he be weak is a question on which I will speak hereafter. At present let us inquire into the solidity of this opinion, that we cannot trust Napoleon, grounded this opinion is on the assertion, that e is a norious breaker of treaties. Suppose this latter assertion to be true, is that a ground of war? When would wars cease, and with whom could we ever have treaties, if we were to act on such a The last war, which added 600 millions rule? Did not Russia make a treaty with to the National Debt, and which produced Napoleon at Tilsit, in which the former so many and such great calamities, cala- stipulated to adopt the Continental Sysmities not transient but durable; that war tem, and in which she acknowledged Johad for its pretexts, 1st, that the French seph King of Spain? And was it not the had issued a Decree inviting all nations to breach of this treaty, which led Napoleon rise against their governments, and 2nd, into Russia? Did we not see Bavaria, Authat they had opened the Navigation of stria, and Prussia, all bound to Napoleon the River Scheldt in Flanders. The futi- by treaty in a war against Russia; and did lity of these pretexts have been a thousand they not all of them actually desert him in times demonstrated. The real grounds of the field and join his enemies? And, you that war are now well known; but, at will bear in mind, too, that he had repeat-r any rate, there is no such pretext for the edly had the Sovereigns of these three present intended, or, threatened, war. countries at his feet, and had replaced The war-faction are now compelled to ac-them upon their thrones. What impu knowledge, that France is confined within dence, then, is it in the war-faction to call her ancient limits; that Napoleon has de-him a treaty-breaker, and to say, that we clared his adherence to the Treaty of Pa- cannot trust him! How we have kept our ris, dictated by us and our allies; that he treaties I shall not attempt to shew; nor, has made overtures to all the Powers to indeed, is it necessary. It is well known, preserve peace; that he has most explicit- that all those Powers, whom we now call ly pledged himself to the French people our high allies, and on whose valour and that he will enter on no war of aggression; fidelity we place so much reliance, have that he has, in complaisance to us, abo- been our allies before; that they have quitlished the Slave Trade, which we could ted our alliance and joined France against not prevail on Louis to do; that he has us; that they have, in short, within the agreed to the formation of a constitution last 22 years, all been twice fighting with which will necessarily tend to promote the France against us, and more than twice peace and happiness of France. All this fighting with us against France. These the war-faction acknowledge; none of this facts being notorious, what assurance must an they deny. What, then, is their pre- those persons have, who would persuade text for going to war? What do they tell us, that we never can have peace with Nayou, that they wish to see Europe once poleon; and that we ought to make war more bleeding for? Why, they say, that with him till he be destroyed, because he they cannot trust Napoleon; that he never is a man, who does not keep treaties! has kept any treaty; that he will keep no treaty now; that he will sally forth as What, then, are the real Motives of the expected war? This is a matter of vast im portance. It is of the greatest consequence that the people of such a place as Nottingham, or Coventry, or any other fine town of England, abounding in good sense, should clearly understand this question at the very out-set of the war; because, if they do not carry this knowledge along with them through the war, the effects of the war will not, in all likelihood, lead, at last, to a just and beneficial result. keep on shedding human blood, lest peace should enable the English to go abroad in search of cheap living? But, how comes this migration to have taken place now, more than in former times? You will bear in mind, my friend. of Nottingham, that we did formerly live in peace with France for many years together; that we had treaties of friendship and of commerce with France; and that nobody used to be alarmed at the effects of any migration from England to France. How comes it, then, that France is now become so inviting to English people? What is the cause of so many thousands their own country? You will bear in mind, my friends of Nottingham, that before the peace, we were told of nothing but the miseries which Napoleon had inflicted upon France. We were told, that he had drained the people of their all; that he had ruined the arts, manufactures, commerce, and agriculture; that he had taken away all the able men, and left the land to be ploughed and sowed by old men, women, and children. And yet, the moment the passage to France is free, thousands upon thousands of English people flock thither to live, while not a single French family came to live on their means in England. "What, then, is the real fact? Why do so many go to live upon their fortunes in France? I will, in as few words as I can, explain this mystery. What, then, are the real Motives of the expected war? I am not in acquaintance with the Ministers; I know nobody who is. But, I hear many of the war-faction talk; and, with them, at least, the follow-flocking thither to live in preference to ing are the real Motives for going to war: -They say, that the country is come to that pass, that it cannot now live in peace with its present system in existence. They say, that the last twelve months were far more distressing than any foregoing twelve months of war; that commerce was less productive; that trades of all sorts were worse; that houses and land became less valuable; that manufactures throve less; that journeymen and labourers were starving, who, before, were doing passably well. They say, that more than 40,000 families, living upon their incomes, had migrated to various parts of the Continent, and especially to France; that these families draw out of England 15 or 20 millions sterling a year; that the rents of lands and the dividends from the Stocks were, in a great degree, spent in France instead of England, because in the former country one pound would go as far as three pounds in the latter country; that thus there was less demand for labourers, for corn, for cattle, for household goods, for all articles of dress, for carriages, than there was in time of war; that thus tradesmen, farmers, and manufacturers lost their customers, and that labourers and journeymen lost their employment. They say, that houses fit for persons of fortune became worth little or nothing; and, that, near London, in particular, thousands of houses became tenantless on account of the peace, to the ruin of builders, and the starvation of journeymen. The motive for going to live in France, is that people can live cheaper there. For instance, Mr. BULL has an income from the Stocks, or from his farms, which he lets, of 500 pounds a year. With this, if Mr. Bull lives in the country, he may, if Mrs. Bull manages well, keep one maidservant, and drink a pint of wine a day, without being able, however, to lay by a single shilling for his three or four children. If Mr. Bull, or, rather Mrs. Bull, chooses to live in town, he must put up with part of a house; he must black his own shoes, and Mrs. Bull must cook her own mutton chop. Thus situated Mr. Bull reads in the newspaper that a bottle of wine in France costs six-pence, a turkey half a crown, a house and garden ten pounds a year, and so on. "Look here, Now, I believe all this to be true; but, how, then, are we to go to war in order to make England as cheap a country as my dear," says he to Mrs. Bull, "Why, France? Or, are we always to have war 66 we could live much more comfortably in to prevent these migrations to France?" France. We could keep a maid and Are we never to have peace; are we to "footman in France." (C Aye," says |