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you the annexed letter, and to beg your Excel-plishment of his noblest intentions. With a dislency to present it to his Royal Highness-The position to respect the rights of other nations, his first wish of the Emperor being, that the repose of Majesty has the pleasing hope, that those of the Entope should remain inviolate, his Majesty has French nation will remain inviolate. The main becu anxious to manifest this disposition to the tenance of this precious deposit is the first, as it Sovereigns who are still assembled at Vienna, and is the dearest of his duties. The quiet of the to all other Sovereigns. I have, &c. world is for a long time assured, if all the other (Signed)

CAULAINCOURT, Duc de Vicence Sovereigns are disposed, as his Majesty is, to

make their honour consist in the .preservation of peace, by placing peace under the safeguard of honour. Such are, my Lord, the sentiments with which his Majesty is sincerely animated, and which he has commanded me to inake known to your Government. I have the honour, &c.

(Signed) CAULAINCOURT, Duke of Vicence. His Excellency Lord Castlereagh, &c.

LETTER FROM VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH TO M.
CAULAINCOURT, DATED, DOWNING STREET,
APRIL 8, 1815.

SIR- have been honoured with two letters
from your excellency bearing date the 4th inst.
from Paris, one of them covering a letter ad-
dressed to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent.
I am to acquaint your Excellency, that the Prince
Regent has declined receiving the letter addressed
by your Excellency to me, to Vienna, for the
information and consideration of the Allied So-
vereigns and Plenipotentiaries there assembled.
I am, &c.
CASTLEREAGH,

VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH TO THE EARL OF
CLANCARTY, DATED FOREIGN OFFICE, 8TH
APRIL, 1815.

LETTER FROM M. DE CAULAINCOURT TO VISCOUNT CASTLEREAGH, DATED PARIS, APRIL 4, 1815. My Lord -The expectations which induced his Majesty the Emperor, my August Sovereign, to submit to the greatest sacrifices, have not been fulfilled: France has not received the price of the devotion of its Monarch: her hopes have been lamentably deceived. After some months of painful restraint, her sentiments, concealed with regret, have at length manifested themselves in an extraordinary manner: by an universa and spontaneous impulse, she has declared as her deliverer, the man, from whom alone she can expect the guarantee of her liberties and independence. The Emperor has appeared, the Royal Throne has fallen, and the Bourbon family have quitted our territory, without one drop of blood having been shed for their defence. Borne apon the arms of his people, his Majesty has traversed France, from the point of the coast at which he at first touched the ground, as far as the centre of his capital, to that residence which is now again, as are all French hearts, filled with our dearest remembrances. No obstacles have delayed his Majesty's triumphal progress; from the instant of his re-landing upon French ground, he resumed the government of his empire. Scarcely does his first reign appear to have been for an instant interrupted. Every generous passion, every liberal thought, has rallied around him; never did any nation present a spactacle of more awful unanimity. The report of this great event will have reached your Lordship. I am commanded to announce it to you, in the name of the Emperor, and to request you will convey this declaration to the knowledge of his Majesty the King of Great Britain, your August Master. This Resto-patch, No. 3, and to its several inclosures, conration of the Emperor to the Throne of France is for him the most brilliant of his triumphs. His Majesty prides himself above all, on the reflection, that he owes it entirely to the love of the French people, and he has no other wish than to repay such affections no longer by the trophies of vain ambition, but by all the advantages of an honourable repose, and by all the blessings of a happy tranquillity. It is to the duration of peace that the Emperor looks forward for the accom

MY LORD-I herewith inclose a copy of an Overture this day received from M. de Caulaincourt, with the answer returned. You will communicate the same to the Allied Sovereigns and Plenipotentiaries at Vienna, for their information. I have the honour to be, &c. (Signed)

Earl of Clancarty, &c.

CASTLEREAGH.

THE EARL OF CLANCARTY TO VISCOUNT CASTLE-
REAGH, DATED VIENNA, MAY 6, 1815.
MY LORD-Adverting to your Lordship's dis-

veying a proposal made by the existing Government in France, and your Lordship's answer thereto, I have the honour to acquaint you, for the information of his Majesty's Government, that at a conference held on the 3d inst. his Highness Prince Metternich acquainted us, that a M. de Strassant, who had been stopped on his way hither, at Lintz, from not having been furnished with proper passports, had addressed a letter to lus Imperial Majesty, and therewith forwarded

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some unopened letters which the Emperor had di- | lishment of an individual as the head of the French rected him to unseal in the presence of the Ple- Government, whose past conduct has invariably nipotentiaries of the Allied Powers. These demonstrated, that in such a situation he will not proved to be a letter from Bonaparte, addressed suffer other nations to be at peace-whose restto his Majesty, professing a desire to continue at less ambition, whose thirst for foreign conquest, peace, to observe the stipulations of the Treaty and whose disregard for the rights and independof Paris, &c, and a letter from M. de Caulain. ence of other States, must expose the whole of court to Prince Metternich, containing similar Enrope to renewed scenes of plander and devastaprofessions. After reading these Papers, it was tion. However general the feelings of the Sove. considered whether any, and what answer should reigns may be in favour of the restoration of the be made thereto, when the general opinion ap. King, they no otherwise seek to influence the propeared to be, that none should be returned, and ceedings of the French in the choice of this or of no notice whatever taken of the proposal. Upon any other dynasty, or form of Government, than this, as indeed upon all other occasions subse- may be essential to the safety and permanent quent to the resumption of authority by Bona- tranquillity of the rest of Europe; such reaparte, wherein the present state of the Continen-sonable security being afforded by France in this tal Powers, with regard to France, has come un- respect, as other tates have a legitimate right der discussion, but one opinion has appeared to to claim in their own defence, their object will direct the Councils of the several Sovereigns. be satisfied; and they shall joyfully return to that They adhere, and from the commencement have state of peace, which will then, and then only, be never ceased to adhere to their Declaration of open to them, and lay down those arms which the 13th of March, with respect to the actual they have only taken up for the purpose of ac Ruler of France. They are in a state of hostility quiring that tranquillity so eagerly desired by with him and his adherents, not from choice, but them on the part of their respective Empires.-from necessity, because past experience has Such, my Lord, are the general sentiments of the shewn, that no faith has been kept by him, and Sovereigos and of their Ministers here assenthat no reliance can be placed on the professions | bled;' and it should seem, that the glorions for. of one who has hitherto no longer regarded the bearance observed by them, when masters most solemn compacts than as it may have of the French capital in the early part of the suited his own convenience to observe them, last year, ought to prove to the French, that whose word, the only assurance he can afford for this is not a war against their freedom and his peaceable disposition, is not less in direct op-independence, or excited by any spirit of ambi position to the tenor of his former life, than it is to the military position in which he is actually placed. They feel that they should neither perform their duty to themselves or to the people committed by Providence to their charge, if they were now to listen to those professions of a desire for peace which have been made, and suffer themselves thus to be lulled into the supposition that they might now relieve their people from the burthen of supporting immense military masses, by diminishing their forces to a peace establishment, convinced as the several Sovereigns are from past experience, that no sooner should they have been disarmed, than advantage would be taken of their want of preparation, to renew those scenes of aggression and bloodshed, from which they had hoped that the peace so gloriously won at Paris, would long have secured them. They are at war, then, for the purpose of obtaining some security for their own independence, and for the re-conquest of that peace and permanent tranquillity, for which the world has so long panted. They are not even at war for the greater or less portion of security which France can afford them of future tranquillity, but because France under its present chief, is unable to afford them any security whatever. In this war, they do not desire to interfere with any legitimate right of the French people; they have no design to oppose the claim of that nation to choose their own form of Government, or intention to trench, in any respect, upon their independence as a great and free people: but they do think they have a right, and that of the highest nature, to contend against the re-estab

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tion, or desire of conquest, but one arising out of
necessity, urged on the principles of self preser-
vation, and founded on that legitimate and incon
trovertible right of obtaining reasonable security
for their own tranquillity and independence--to
which, if France has on her part a claim, other
nations have an equal title to claim at the hands
of France. ~ I this day laid before the Plenipoten.
tiaries of the Three Allied Powers in conference,
the Note proposed to be delivered upon the ex-
change of the ratifications of the Treaty of the
25th March. After the opinions which I have
detailed as those with which the Allied Sove-
reigns are impressed, with respect to the object
of the war, it is scarcely necessary for me to add,
that the explanation afforded in this Note,
as the construction put by his Royal Highness
the Prince Regent on the eighth article of that
Treaty, was favourably received. Immediate
instructions will consequently be issued to
the Ambassadors of the Imperial Courts of
Austria and Russia, and to the Minister of his
Prussian Majesty, to accept of this Note on the
exchange of the ratifications of the Treaty in
question. In order to be assured that I have ad.
vanced nothing in this dispatch, which does not
ace with the views of the Cabinets of the Al-
lied Sovereigns, I have acquainted the Plenipo-
tentiaries of the high Allied Powers with the
contents thereof, and have the honour to infor
yon, that the sentiments contained in it entirely
coincide with those of their respective Courts.
I have the honour to be &c.
(Signed)

CLANCARTY

Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

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VOL. XXVII. No. 22.]

673]

LETTER IX.

all

LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 3, 1815. [Price 1s.

TO THE EARL OF LIVERPOOL.

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On the political Effects Produced in Ame rica by the Peace of Ghent.

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"reading the Proclamation, in the USU"AL WAY, at the door of the office at "Whitehall." This was all, and, I will the street did not know what it was that be bound, that even the people passing in was reading. This is what, the COURIER Botley, 29th May, 1815. MY LORD-It was frequently observed There was no illuminations; no firing of calls the usual way of proclaiming peace! by me, in former letters, which I had the guns; no ringing of bells; no demonstrahonour to address to your Lordship, dur- tions of joy. In short, the country, which ing the war with America, that, if you had been so eager for the war, and so unawere, at last, as I foretold you would be, nimous for its prosecution, seemed not at compelled to make peace without hum-all to regret, that it never knew the exact bling America, and, indeed, without sub-period when peace returned. It felt daing her, or nearly subduing her, the re- ashamed of the result of the war, and was sult would be honourable to her, seeing that she would, in a war single-handed against England, have succeeded in defending herself. It was clear, that, when once the contest became a single combat, to defend herself must be to her triumph and to us defeat. And, if she came out of the war without any, even the smallest concession, her triumph over raise her greatly in the estimation of her us must own people and of all the world. She did come out of the war in this way; and the natural consequences have followed.

I do not know, that I have before noticed the fact in print, but it is now time that I should; I mean the curious fact relative to the proclamation of peace with America. We know that peace with any power is usually proclaimed by HERALDS, who, starting at St. James's Palace, go into the City, with a grand display of armorial ensigns, and accompanied by troops in gay attire, and by bands of martial music, stopping, from time to time, to read the King's proclamation of the peace. This was done at the Peace of Amiens and at the Peace of Paris. Indeed, it is the usual way in which the cesion of war is proclaimed.

APW, then, how was the peace with America proclaimed? There was no procession at all: there was nothing of the usual ceremony. But, the COURIER newspaper, and, I believe, that paper only, informed the public, that

66

America was procl who, with

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glad to be told nothing at all about it,

of public feeling was made manifest.-But, in America! There the full force The country resounded from New Orleans to the utmost borders of the Lakes; from the orange groves to the wheat lands, buried four feet deep in snow, was heard the voice of joy, the boast of success, the anxious for the freedom of America; 1, shout of victory. I, who had always felt whose predictions have been so completely fulfilled in the result of this contest; mortification at these demonstrations of even I cannot keep down all feeling of triumph, related in the American prints now before me. lishman so far gets the better of all other feelings and consideration. What, then, must be the feelings of those, my Lord, toho urged on and who prosecuted that fatal war?

Even in me, the Eng

the Boston "Yankee," of the 9th of De An American paper now before me, cember last, gives an account, copied from our London papers, of our Jubilee last summer, when "old BLUCHER" was so squeezed and hugged, and had his jaws so nastily licked over by the filthy woYankee calls it "John Bull's great Namen, who were called "Ladies." This tional Jubilee;" and, I assure you, the famous victory gained by the naval force of England over the American fleet on the Serpentine River is not forgotten! But, the editor of the Yankee has made a mis

take. He b

The Thames on

some nnopene

rected hian memorable battle was fought. I was to "re-unite the colonies to the panipo good Mr. Yankee. The Serpen- rent state!" River, as it is called, is a little wind- It is very true, I acknowledge, that a ing lake in Hyde Park, about the width dangerous faction has arisen in the Reof a large duck pond, and is fed by a lit-public. I see very clearly, that wealth tle stream, or rather gutter, and empties has introduced a taste for what are called itself by the means of another gutter at honours. Vanity is making a desperate the other end. It was this quality of lake effort to decorate men with titles. The that made the scene so very apt. law forbids it; but vanity is at open war with law. The germ of aristocracy, which was discovered in the New England states,and, in a few instances, in some of the others, at the end of the war of independence, has grown out now to full view.. There are 'Squires and Honourables in, abundance. There are the "Honourable the Governor ;" "His Honour the Judge; and so on. These men will soon begin to regret that they have no one to give them permanent titles; that they have no "fountain of honour." That which men regret the want of they endeavour to obtain, whenever an occasion offers. The Priests of New England ap

These are mortifying recollections, my Lord, and I do not know that they will be rendered less so to you by the addition of the reflection, that, if you had followed my advice, there never would have been any ground for them.

The political effects in America of such a peace must be wonderful. Indeed, they evidently are so. The men who, in the New England States, were forming open combinations against Mr. Madison, are, as I told you they would be, covered with that sort of disgrace, that deep disgrace, which defeated malice always brings upon its head. They appear, from all I can gather, to have become the butt of ridi-pear to be working hard to procure somecule, after having long been the object of scrious censure. These men are suspected of treasonable views and acts. At any rate, they are chargeable with a real attempt to destroy the liberties of their country, in revenge for their rejection by the people. They were defeated in their grasp at the supreme powers of the union, and they have endeavoured to do as the baboon is said to have done with the fair lady, that is, destroy that which they could not possess.

you

Mr. PICKERING, to whom the TIMES newspaper looked up as the "hangman and successor of Mr. Madison," now talks like a very hearty republican; but the poor gentleman seems to know very little of what is going on here. He says, that made peace, because so many petitions were poured in against continuing the war; and your Lordship knows, that not one such petition was poured in. He says, that the failure at New Orleans will put you out of place. Poor Gentleman! how little, how very little does he know about you! He says, that the Opposition have clamoured for peace. It was the Opposition who urged on the war, and only found fault with you for not doing the Yankees more mischief than you did. Yet this, this is one of the men, to whom we have looked as capable of overthrowing Mr. Madison' "the men who to the Eur

thing in the way of an establishment. Hence the joy of both these at the restoration of the Bourbons, the old French Noblesse, the Pope, and the Jesuits; and hence, they will, I venture to predict, be as abusive of Napoleon, Carnot, Fouche, Rederer, and Merlin, as is our TIMES newspaper.

In the mean while, however, the people are sound republicans; and, it will take some years to overset their government, though the manners and tastes of many may be corrupted. The following letters which I have received from America, will shew you, that the war, and especially the peace, have produced a great change in that country. They will also shew you that, long ago, I had hit upon the true nail, and that you ought to have paid attention to me sooner than you did. The newspapers from America breathe a spirit of resentment, which it should be our object to allay, if possible; but, really, the language of our prostituted press was such,. that, added to the "character of the war," it is almost impossible, that reconciliation should take place during an age to clae.

Before conclude, I beg leave to calf your Lordship's attention to the statements in the American papers, relative to our treatment of the American prisoners of tea, whereto call your attention to certers of our officers, reRequested to be forwarded.

learning, and abilities than Southey, would damn their country for his salary and a butt of sack.

Your late essays are re-published in all the Republican Papers, and read with great relish; while they are carefully excluded from all the federal papers. Ne

lative to plunder; and further to call your attention to their charges relative to the parole, given by GENERAL PACKENHAM, when he was about to assault, and to take, as he expected, NEW ORLEANS. I dare not copy these. Newgate is not so pleasant as Botley. But, still I do most anxiously wish to see these papers pub-vertheless I suspect that you do not see lished here; because they might then be met by denial and disproof, if not true. This is a serious matter, my Lord. If we dare not publish here, they dare do it in America; and there it is that the effect will be produced injurious to us. I dare say, that long before this will reach the press, all these changes, all these horrid narratives, will have been collected in America, published in a permanent shape, and, perhaps, translated into French. Thus will they be read by all the civilized world, the people of England excepted; but, thus have I done my duty in pointing these things out to your Lordship, which is all that I dare do in this case. I am, &c. &c.

WM. COBBETT.

many of our Boston Republican Papers. I have therefore requested, the Editors of the Boston Patriot, and Yankee to put up a series of them for you; and encouraged them with the hope that you will send them your Register. I have also sent you an excellent work by Mr. CAREY, entitled the "Olive Branch." We esteem it highly for its facts. You will read it with pleasure. This book and Jackson's victory have blasted the Hartford Convention; and destroyed the high hopes of the Pickerings, the Otisses, and the Sullivans. The author of that book has a just idea of our Boston Saints, of their avarice, of their hypocricy, and of their thirst after ridiculous titles, and even monarchy. He has a right idea of our Junto, which rises as our country sinks, and sinks as our country rises. After perusing the Olive Branch, would it not be well to throw it in the way of the Edinburgh Reviewers ? (1)

Boston, 28th March, 1815. MR. COBBETT I have read, with great satisfaction, your recent essays relative to this country. You deserve well of your native country, as well as of mine, for trying to open the eyes of your countrymen, that they might see things as they really are. But in Old England and perhaps, as corrupt a junto as the Hartford Conin New, and I am personally acquaint-vention, and of that my correspondent would be ed with both, a man need not despair making the people believe any thing but

truth.

papers

(1) I can find a much better use for it, as the writer shall see. The Edinburgh Reviewers are,

well convinced, if he were to read an article upon the return of Napoleon, published at the

close of the last number of this work; in which

article they prepared, in advance, for the war, which they suspected would take place against France, in consequence of that wonderful event. The truth is, that this is a little knot of placehunting men of talent, who, by the means of this Review, force themselves successively into the receipt of emoluments derived from the public. I do not know any set of men so much like an other, as these Reviewers are like the Federal

Noblesse.

Mr. WALSH, of Philadelphia, who

Both your country and mine have been long suffering under the cause of "a lying spirit." The federal in Boston, under the direction of the faction, and especially the one edited by "the Boston Slave," exert all their powers to spread a delusive fog before the eyes of their stupid readers, and between them and truth. They are worse than your Courier, or your Times; for with their lies, they have a trait of malignity and stupidity, wrote a book on the state of France, full of falseat which your people must revolt. What hoods and of ignorance, and who, it was confiDE be the state of a community where dently reported here, was to have had the honour the people are fed with poisonous food? of being introduced to a Lord, and would, in all It would require a revolution of some sort probability, have enjoyed that blessing, if the to rid the people of the accumulated corsaid Lord had not becu unexpectedly engaged ruption. Our Yeomanry are virtuous, with his tailor, or somebody else: this Mr. brave, and strongly attached to their WALSII, with the exception of talent, is a tolergovernment; but we have scores of pro-ably good specimen of an Edinburgh reviewer. fessional men among us, who, with less

WM. COBBETS.

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