Chamber of Representatives, headed by a people who carry to the highest pitch the en Count Lanjuinais, the president, who pre-less, among the communications which your Mathusiasm of liberty and independence. Doubt. sented the following address:

jesty promises us, the Chambers will find proofs of the efforts you have made to maintain the peace of the world. If all these efforts must rèmain useless, may the calamities of war fall upon those who shall have provøked them.—The Chamber of Representatives only waits for the doct ments announced to it in order to contribute with all its power to the measures which the success of so legitimate a war will require. It delays pronouncing its resolves only till it knows the wants and resources of the state; and while your Majesty, opposing to the most unjust aggression the valour of the national armies and the force of your genius, will seek in victory only one means of attaining a durable peace the Chamber of Representatives will deem that it marches towards the same object, by incessantly, labouring on the compact, of which the improvement must cement the union of the people and the throne, and strengthen, in the eyes of Europe, by the amelioration of our institutions, the gurantee of our en gagements.

His Majesty replied:

Sire, The Chamber of Representatives received with profound emotion the words which -proceeded from the throne at the solemn sitting, when your Majesty, laying down the extraor dinary power which you exercised, proclaimed the commencement of the Constitutional mo. narchy. The chief basis of that monarchy, the protectress of liberty, eqnality, and the happiness of the people, liave been recognized by by your Majesty, who, rising above all scruples, as anticipating all wishes, has decla ed that the care of collecting our scattered constitutions, and of arranging them, was one of the most im portant occupations reserved for the legislature. Faithful to its mission, the Chamber of Deputies will perform the task thus devolved upon it; it requests that, to satisfy the public wish, as well as the wishes of your Majesty, national deliberation should rectify, as speedily as possible, any thing defective or imperfeet, that the ur gency of our situation may have produced, or left to exist in our constitutions considered as a whole. -But at the same time, Sire, the Chamber of Representatives will not shew itself less anxious to Mr. President, and Gentlemen Deputies of the proclaim its sentiments and its principles as to Chamber of Representatives,--I recognise with sathe terrible contest which threatens to cover tisfaction my own sentiments in those which you Europe with blood. In the train of disastrous express to me. In these weighty circumstances events, France invaded, appeared for a moment my thoughts are absorded by the imminent war, listened to as to the establishment of a constitu- to the success of which are attached the indepention, only to see herself almost immediately sub- dence and the honour of France. I will depart this jected to a royal charter emauating from abso- night to place myself at the head of my armies; Inte power, to an ordinance of reform always the movements of the different hostile corps revocable in its nature, and which, not having render my presence there indispensible. During the expressed assent of the people, could never my absence I shall see with pleasure a commission be considered as obligatory on the nation. Re-appointed bý each chamber engaged in delibesuming now the exercise of her rights, rallying around the hero whom her confidence anew in vests with the government of the state, France is astonished and afflicted at seeing some Soverigus in arms call her to account for au internal ange, which is the result of the national will, and which attacks neither the relations existing with other governments, nor their security.-pass and witliont a rudder, The crisis in which France cannot admit the distinctions with the aid of which the coalesced powers endeavour to cloak their aggression To attack the monarch of its choice, is to attack the independence of the nation. It is armed as one man to defend that independence, and to repel, without exception, every family and every prince whom men shall dare to wish to impose upon it. No ambitions project enters the thoughts of the French people; the will even of a victorious Prince would be insufficient to draw on the nation be yond the limits of its own defence: but to guard its territory, to maintain its liberty, its honour, its dignity, it is ready for any sacrifice. Why are we not still permitted to hope, Sire, that these warlike preparations, formed perhaps by the irritation of pride, and by illusions which every day must weaken, may still disperse before the want of a prace necessary to all the nations of Europe, and which shall restore to your MAjesty a spouse, to the French the heir of a throne? But blood has already flowed, the signal of com. bats, prepared against the independence and Liberty of France, has been given in the name of

rating on our constitutions. The constitution is our rallying point; it must be our pole-star in these stormy moments. All public discussion, tending to diminish directly or indirectly the con• fidence which should be placed in its euactments, will be a misfortune to the state; we should then find ourselves at sea, without a com

we are placed is great. Let us not imitate tlie conduct of the Lower Empire, which, pressed on all sides by barbarians, inade itself the langhing stock of posterity, by occupying itself with abstract discussions, at the moment when the battering ram was shaking the gates of the city. Independently of the Legislative measures required by the circumstances of the interior, you will probably deem it useful to employ yourself on organic laws destined to put the constitution in motion. They may be the object of your publie labours without any inconvenience. The sen. timents expressed in your address sufficiently demonstrate to me the attachment of the Chamber to my person, and all the patriotism with which it is animated. In all affairs my march shall be straight forward and firm. Assist me to save the country. First representative of the people, have contracted the engagement, which I renew, of employing in' more tranquil times, all the pre rogatives of the Crown, and the little experience I have acquired, in seconding you in the amelio

ration of our Constitutions.

Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXVIII.

FROM JULY TO SEPTEMBER,

1815.

London:

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY G. HOUSTON, No. 192, STRAND.

Lord President of the Council.

Lord High Chancellor.

Lord Privy Seal.

President of the Board of Trade.

First Lord of the Treasury (Prime Minister)
Chancellor and Under-Treasurer of the Ex-
chequer.

Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
First Lord of the Admiralty.

Master General of the Ordnance.

Secretary of State for the Home Department.
Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Secretary of State for the Department of War
and Colonies.

President of the Board of Control for the
Affairs in India.

NOT OF THE CABINET.

Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and
Treasurer of the Navy.

Secretary at War.

Joint Paymasters-General of the Forces.

-Joint Postmasters-General.

Secretaries of the Treasury.

Master of the Rolls.
Attorney-General.

Solicitor-General.

CONTENTS OF VOL. XXVIII.

SUMMARIES OF POLITICS.

To Mr. Niles, proprietor of the Weekly Register, published at Baltimore, in the United States of America, 1.

Lord Cochrane and the Duke of Cumberland, 10.
Letter V11. to Lord Castlereagh, on the contrast
between the return of Napoleon and that of
Louis ;
and on the question of what is now to
be done with France, 33.
To Correspondents in the United States of Ame-
rica, 65.

The late Mr. Whitbread, 79, 150.
Letter VIII. to Lord Castlereagh, on the surren-
der of Napoleon. Short-lived triumph of John
Bull. John's injustice in grudging to pay taxes.
His disinterestedness. The Pitt System, 97.
To the people of all parties in the United States of
America on the necessity of their being prepared
for the defence of their country, 129.
To Napoleon, 161.

Letter IX. to Lord Castlereagh, on the treatment
of Napoleon, 165.

To the Back Wood's Men on the banks of the Ohio and the Mississippi on John Bull's Press; with a particular instance in the town of Dudley, &c. 194.

No. 1. of the Alarm; or excitements to a new war with America, 208.

Summary of Politics, or Notices for History, 211,
329.

Napoleon Bonaparte, 211, 331.
Fince, 220, 329.

Five Letters to Lord Sheffield on his speech at
Lewis Wool Fair, 26th July, 1815; with an Ap.
pendix, 225.

American Hoax, 290.

No. II. of the Alarna; or excitements to a new
war with America, 292.

To all those Protestant Priests who have for years
been preaching and praying against the French
Assemblies and Napoleon; and particularly the
Protestant Priests of New England, 305.

Historical Notices of the war against Napoleon
and France, 14.

Proceedings of the French Legislature, 24.
To Correspondents in the United States of Ame
rica, 41.

Napoleon Bonaparte, 42, 116.

Defeat of the Algerine fleet by the Americans, 44,
The French Armies, 46.

Dissolution of the Legislative Body-Entrance of

Louis XVIII. into Paris, 46.

The Allied Sovereigns at Paris-Joy of the Pari-
sians, 58.
Tythes, 82.

Arrests and Proscriptions in France, 125.

To John Bull on the hopes of seeing America a bankrupt, 145.

To Admiral Sir A. Cochrane, &c. respecting Intercepted Letters, 148.

American Exposition, 177.

Dartmoor Prison, and the killed and wounded
Americans, 339.

To Correspondents, on the Subject of Emigration
to America, 397.

COMMUNICATIONS.

A Reformist on the Borough System, 85, 191.
State of Erance, 87.

M. Birkbeck to the Right Hon. H. Grattan, 110.
A Tale on the Borough System, 112.
W. F. on the late Mr. Whitbread, 150.
An Independent Elector to Sir Francis Burdett,

115.

Proclamation of Barclay De Tolly to the French, Letter and Memorial, Earl Bathurst to the Lords