again be transmitted by the Presidents of the at the Castle of the Thuilleries, the 13th of July, Colleges. in the year 1815, and the 21st year of our reign. 7. The Electoral Colleges of the departments shall chuse the least moiety of the Deputies from amongst these Candidates. If the total number of the Deputies of the department is odd, it shall partake of the advantage of the portion which should be chosen from the Candidates. 8. The Electors of Colleges of Arrondissements shall not take their seats till they have attained the age of 21. The Electors of Colleges of the Departments must be of the same age. Orleans, July 11, 1815. 9. If the number of the Members of the Legion of Honour, who, conformably to the Act of the M. GENERAL,-The army in quitting Paris to 22d of February, 1806, shall be added to the Col-retire behind the Loire, according to the Conleges of Arrondissements or Departments, is not vention of the 3d of July, had left with the Procomplete, our Prefects shall be able, upon the de-visional Government Commissioners, charged mand of the legionaries, to propose new adjunctions, which shall receive their provisionary execution. Nevertheless the legionaries admitted to the Electoral Colleges of the Departments, ought, conformably to the 40th Article of the Charter, to pay at least 300 francs of direct contribution. All adjunctions made after the 1st of March, 1815, are null and illegal. 13. The proces-verbal of the election shall be examined at the Chamber of Deputies, who wil pronounce upon the regularity of the elections. The Deputies elected shall be held to produce at the Chamber their register of birth, and a relevé of their contributions, proving that they have paid at least 1000 francs of impost. 14. The articles 16, 25, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, and 46, of the Charter shall be submitted to the revision of the Legislative Power in the approaching Session of the Chambers. 15. The present Decree shall be printed, and in the place of the Sittings of each Electoral College. The Articles of the Charter hereabove mentioned, shall be printed conjointly. 16. Our Minister of the Interior is charged with the execution of the present Decree. Given with asking from it instructions in case a new Government was established. These Commis. sioners, in giving an account to the army of the affairs which have taken place in the capital, and of the entrance of the King, have communicated to me the overtures which were made to them, in order to engage the army to acknowledge that its union to the system of Government can alone prevent the dissolution of the State. The Commissioners, in their communications, give the assurance, that, under a constitutiona Government no re-action is to be apprehendedthat the passions shall be neutralized-that the Ministry shall be responsible-that men and prin. ciples shall be respected—that no arbitrary dismissal shall take place, either in the army or in the other ranks of society; and that, in short, the army shall be treated consistent with its ho nour. These are the simple terms transmitted by the Commissioners. As a pledge and a proof of what they advance they state, that Marshal St. Cyr is appointed Minister at War; that the Duke of Otranto is Minister of Police, which office he has accepted only upon the assurance, that the Government will conduct itself with that spirit of wisdom and moderation of which he him. self has set the example. The sentiments of the army are well known; it has combated twenty-five years for France; often for disputed opinions. The only reward which it requires for the blood that it has spilt, is, that no citizen shall be molested for the opinions which he may have honestly entertained. On these conditions the national interest should unite the army freely to the King. This interest requires sacrifices, which ought to be made with a good grace, with a modest energy. The existing army, united in a body, will become, should our misfortunes increase, the centre and rallying point of all Frenchmen, the whole world, and for the deliverance of Eu and of the most determined Royalists. All will speedily perceive, that nuion and oblivion of all dissentions can alone operate the salvation of France; which will be impossible if hesitation, differences of opinion, and individual considerations, should affect the dissolution of the army, either itself, or by a foreign force. Let us unite then closely-let us never separate. The Vandeaus give us an affecting example; they have written to us with an offer to lay aside all resentment, and to unite with us in the patriotic view of preventing all dismemberments and all partitions of the country. Be Frenchmen-it was this sentiment, you know, that was always predominant in my breast, and will remain in it till my last breath. It is on this ground I claim your confidence. I am sure of meriting and obstitutions, protecting the welfare and indepentaiuing it. dence of nations. With heartfelt joy we now announce to our beloved subjects, that all conventions tending to the good of the State have been concluded, in conformity with this principle, . and the object which we propose. It is not a DEPARTMENT OF THE MAINE AND vain covetousuess which has induced us to seek' LOIRE. Angers, July 13, 1815. ORDER OF THE DAY. The French army has joined the King. France still expects assistance from its defenders. Let all dissentions, all differences of opinion cease; the interests of the country should unite all parties; the same sentiments should animate all hearts. The King promises to treat the army consistent with its honour; the promises of this good Prince will not be in vain; and I am sure that your devotion will realize what he expects of you for the honour and glory of France. The troops of the garrison and the National Guard will instantly hoist the white cockade, which henceforth will be the rallying point of all Frenchmen, and a symbol of the sincere and hearty union which is to reign amongst them. The Chiefs of Corps are responsible for the execution of the present Order. an extention of our frontiers such a feeling would have been unnatural in one who had taken arms to defend the country, but not to make conquests. The unconquerable strength of the Russian Empire, founded upon religion, loyalty, and prosperity, cannot be increased by external acquisitions. The union of far the greater part of the late Duchy of Warsaw under one sceptre, has proved to be absolutely necessary for the establishment of a general balance of power and of order in Europe. By this measure, the safety of our frontiers is insured-a firm barrier is erected against interruption of peace and hostile attempts and the bonds of fraternity formed between nations, united together by one common origin. For this reason we have thought proper to fix the fate of this country, and to establish the internal administration upon principles suitable to the language and customs of the inhabi tants, and adapted to the local situation.Following the precepts of the Christian religion, whose dominion extends over So many nations, yet maintains at the same time their distinguishing qualities and customs-we cherish the wish while we prepare the welfare of our new subjects, to inspire their hearts with sentiments of attachment to our throne, and thus to efface for over the traces of past misfortunes, which were caused by fatal disuuion, and the long struggle. But at the moment when we thought of returning to our happy country, and of enjoying the peace The sense of Religion, that rich source of na-earned by such painful cares, a new war is kindied, tional strength which has prevailed in Russia since the oldest times, va' quished, in the face of pre-ordained by the impenetrable councils of the Adjutant-General, commanding the department of the Maine and Loire. BAGNIOL. MANIFESTO OF THE EMPEROR OF RUSSIA. craft. It will not surprise me much if ardent Napoleon, notwithstanding_the prayers, which have been offered up for his speedy execution, has been promised a safe asylum in this country. (From the Moniteur of Tursday last.) "Measures had been taken to prevent tire cscape of Napoleon Bonaparte, and it will be secu by the following extract of a letter from the Maritime Prefect of Rochefort to the Minister of the Marine, that the result has been such as we had reason to expect. "FOCHEFORT, JULY 15—10 IN THE EVENING. "In execution of your Excellency's orders, I embarked in my boat, accompanied by Baron Ricard, Prefect of the Lower Charente. The reached me, but I was informed by Captain Phillibert, commanding the Amphitrite frigate, that Bonaparte had embarked on board the Epervier brig, as a flag of truce, determined to proceed to the English cruising station. Almighty. His kind providence, which rules over us, which even changes evil into good, permitted the rebellious spirit that was concealed in France to burst forth, just at the time when the Sovereigns and people, in a state of powerful preparation, were watchful; that by their united power, wickedness may be wholly extirpated, the farvest cleared from the weeds, and the precious fruit of inviolable peace flourish among the Powers who observe the laws of the Christian faith and truth. Russia, also, elevated by religion, is called upon to take armis; and, attentive to this call, again enters the career of glory. The perfidious plan of Napoleon Bonaparte-the treachery which has favoured his andacions enterprize the rapidity of his pernicious progress, aiming at the overthrow of society, of religion, and of law; all these reasons forbid the authorities established by the Rulers of Empires to recognise, in the midst of general order, a Govern ment which is founded on breach of faith and vio-reports from the roads for the 14th had not they lence. For this reason, all the powers again form an indissoluble union, in order to annihilate the tyrannic power which has made itself master of France, and thereby to prevent fresh miseries. Not only the engagements of friendship, but also the honour of the empire call upon us to defend the rightful cause; it cannot be foreign to Russia, which, from time immemorial, has combatted for religion and fidelity. In obedience to this sacred voice, we go, with the help of the Most High, to new deeds. The fruit of such great and glorious victories will not be lost.ceiving that Bonaparte was steering towards him, Resolved to share every danger and privation had hoisted the white flag at the mizen. with our victorious army, we place our firm confidence in the Lord of Hosts, in the Protector of the Just. It is, indeed, painful to our heart to prolong our absence from the country, but we firmly trust in the divine favour, which protects us, that this absence will be of short daration. The attachment and devotion of all the authori ties in the Empire, animated by only one feeling, and the valour of our troops, will crown the work which we have before us with the desired success. -All the European Powers will act in concert with us. In the days of danger and of glory, when the raging enemy, who had penetrated over our frontiers, thought in his infatuation to strike a deadly blow against Russia-when Europe, sub-tract, has been this day received from Viscount ject to his yoke, rose against us-we invoked the Almighty, and implored him to turn his eye on the church in mourning, to deliver his inheritance, and endow us with strength to triumph over wickedness and deceit, to protect the independence of nations and their Rulers. The Most High heard the voice of our prayers, his right hand guided Russia in the career of glory; no, we will not deviate from it, and his gracious care for us will be completed." SURRENDER OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. "Accordingly, at day-break, we saw him manoeuvring to make the English ship Bellerophon, commanded by Captain Maitland, who, on per "Bonaparte, and the persons in his snite, were received on board the English ship. The Officer, whom I had left to make observations communi- Foreign Office, July 21. Castlereagh, dated Paris, July 17, 1815. Since closing my dispatches of this date, I have received the accompanying communication from this Government : (TRANSLATION.) I have the honour to acquaint your Lordship, that Napoleon Bonaparte, not being able to es cape from the English craizers, or from tile Guards kept upon the coasts, has taken the resolution of going on board the English ship Belle, rophon, Captain Maitlaud. I have the honour to be, &e. The French papers of Tuesday last contain the following articles respecting this terror of kings, and enemy of priest-To his Excellency Lord Viscount Castlereagh, Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVIII. No. 4.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 29, 1815. [Price 1s. 97] LETTER VIII. TO LORD CASTLEREAGH. Surrender of Napoleon. Short-lived triumph of John Bull. John's injustice in grudging to pay taxes. His disinterestedness. The Pitt System. Botley, 26 July, 1815. [98 the stage of the world. The Prussians, with the HONEST old Marshal," as our newspapers call him, at their head, trians may pull down the column of Ausmay blow up the bridge of Jena; the Austerlitz; and so on; but, they will do nothing to efface the memory of his valiant deeds, unless they can take out the brains of every human creature in the world; for all have heard of these deeds; all have felt their effects. MY LORD-At last, then, you have Napoleon in your power. That is to say, you have a composition of bones, skin, flesh and blood, warmed and kept alive by the vital principle; but this is all; and, whether this vital principle be now to be speedily extinguished, or the whole body be to remain a few years longer above ground, you have not the power, and you never will have the power, either to efface the memory of his deeds, or to destroy, or even to lessen, the effects of those deeds. A man is no more to be blamed for yielding to force, such as that which has come against Napoleon, than he is to be blamed for yielding to a thunder-bolt or a hurricane. You are, by some of our However, there may be opportunities journalists, recommended to surrender to discuss this point hereafter. At preNapoleon to Louis. By others, to impri- sent I have to speak to your Lordship upon son him for life. Do what you will, in the subject of the expectations, excited this way; if you were to thumb-screw here by this event. The COURIER says: him, flog him, and, at last, cut him to "The play is over: let us go to supper." mince-meat, you could do away not one Aud this is the general opinion. jot of his military renown; his battles, men have long been intent upon one single his victories, his conquests, his mastership object: when they have long bent their of all the old families of the continent, are minds to one sole wish, they are always recorded in a way never to be forgotten; disappointed in their expectations, because they form a portion of the knowledge of they have not given themselves time to mankind; they occupy a seat in all men's think of the consequences to be produced minds; and, as to his fall, why, we all by the means which they make use of to fall at last; only the far greater part of obtain the accomplishment of that wish. us fall with little more noise than is occa- Thus will it be with John Bull, who has sioned by the fall of a bullock, whereas been made to believe, that, if Napoleon his fall is the subject of conversation could but be gotten rid of, England would amongst, and excites strong feeling of be freed from all the calamities which she some sort or other in the breasts of, all the feels; that she would once more come people of the civilized world. If the fame back to her former state; and that the of all the other famous men that ever lived visits of the taxing people would cease to could be embodied into one mass, it would be as frequent as those of the apothecary. not equal his individual fame. He has ex-Napoleon is actually our prisoner, but cited more hatred, and more love, than all still the taxing people come. the other great men that have figured on The baseness of those writers, who have the impudence to recommend you to treat Napoleon as a criminal, deserves some notice. They say, but they speak with-out authority, indeed, that he is to be imprisoned for life. And, under what law, I should be glad to know? If brought hither, or, if remaining in our ships, be can be considered only in the light of a prisoner of war. I defy any man to shew, that he can be considered in any other light; and, therefore, to treat him other than as a prisoner of war would be an act of injustice. When "The play" may be over; but, oh! D go to supper." We have no! we cannot “ try, in which you now are, who, if it were something to do. translated, would believe in Moore's Altions a year for ever to pay for the play.manack as to the weather; or that would This is no pleasant thing. But, indeed, the believe a gypsy-thief endowed with the play is not over. The first act is, perhaps, faculty of telling them the future events closed. But, that grand revolution, that of their lives. Peace and tranquillity are bright star, which first burst forth in the very good things; but, if degrading ignoyear 1789, is still sending forth its light rance, brutal superstition, and their conover the world. In that year feudal and stant associate, base slavery, are not to ecclesiastical tyranny, ignorance, super- be gotten rid of without even the most stition, received the first heavy blow: terrible convulsions amongst a people, they have since received others; and, in those convulsions are to be wished for. spite of all that can be now done in their Such was the state of France, that the favour, they are destined to perish. good of the people called for a terrible convulsion: it took place, and the French nation has to congratulate itself on the event. Our writers are eternally reminding us of the crueltics committed, during the French Revolution. That revolution has now been going on for 25 years; and, during the whole of this time, though so many foreign armies, though so many domestic wars, have been assailing the re This 22 years of war, has it been to put down one man? Have we sent hundreds of thousands to shed their blood, and have we loaded ourselves with endless burdens, to put down one little Frenchman? Have we all been paying the greater part of our incomes, for many years, for this purpose? No: we are now beginning to be told, it was not for this; it was for the purpose of putting down French principles. And, what were they? Why, these very prin-volutionists, so many cruelties have not ciples, which are at this moment more firmly than ever rooted in the minds of Frenchmen, and more generally imbibed throughout Europe. The bridge of Jena, the column of Austerlitz, all the memorials of French triumph, brought from Amsterdam, Naples, Vienna, Rome, Turis, Madrid, Munich, Berlin, Moscow, and dearest Hanover: all these may be de-ranny. The man of sense weighs very stroyed; but, never will the whole world, combined in arms, be able to destroy the effects of those principles, which sent the conquerors forth, which first warmed their hearts with enthusiasm, and which are now become part of the settled possessions of their minds. been committed, as during one single year • of the reign of Louis XIV. who committed his crueltics, too, in the name of religion. What are the sufferings of invasion? What are requisitions? What are military plunderings? These only last for a time. They bear no resemblance to the neverending plunder and insult of domestic ty scrupulously the difference in the weight of evils. It is only the bawling, huzzaing, slave that brags about national glory, while the nation, properly so called, are treated like beasts of burden. John Bull, my Lord, who, as you well know, is no conjurer, is puzzled beyond Show me, in France, a priest with his conception at seeing, that troops, horses, relicks, or his bottle of holy water, able canuon, powder, and ball, are still going to extract a sous for either, as a preserva-off to the army upon the Continent, even tive against the fatal effects of thunder now, when we have got Napoleon. This and lightning, except from some crazy or puts him in a strange pose. He was dancperverse old woman; and, then, I willing and capering and singing and bawling say, that there is some hope of success for three or four days, to a degree that against French principles. Five hundred industrious priests would do more against French principles than five hundred thousand bayonets. But, alas! the former have now no materials to work on. These precious materials, ignorance, superstition, and human degradation and misery, have been driven out by the Revolution. Perhaps there are not, at this day, a hundred farmers in all the vast and fine coun wemed to indicate, that he had forgotten all his own domestic affairs, and that even the taxing people had, for forty-eight hours, escaped from his recollection. But, now, when he sees more troops going off, he does not know what to think. However, he consoles himself that the allies will now finish the job." The farmers hope, that you will do something to prevent abundant harvests in France; the |