row that those under his command, who fought the most bloody Battle, and obtained the most complete Victory of any Naval Battle in this, or, Lord Nelson believes, in any War, had not had the honour to receive from the great City of London the same mark of approbation as had been bestowed on others; but Lord Nelson being advised of the impropriety of pointing out what the City of London ought to have done, wrote another letter to the Lord Mayor, desiring to withdraw his letter.

But Lord Nelson's sentiments being precisely the same, and feeling for the situation of those brave Captains, Officers, and Men, who so bravely fought, profusely bled, and obtained such a glorious, complete, and most important Victory for their King and Country, cannot do himself the honour and happiness of meeting his Fellow-Citizens on the 9th of November.

Lord Nelson flatters himself that the Lord Mayor Elect, and the Sheriffs, will approve of his feelings on this occasion, and consider that if Lord Nelson could forget the services of those who have fought under his command, that he would ill deserve to be so supported as he always has been.

TO CAPTAIN GEORGE MURRAY.

[Autograph, in the possession of George Murray, Esq.]

My dear Murray,

Merton, November 10th, 1802.

We shall be very happy to see you on Friday, as Thursday does not suit Captain Domett. I can assure you that at all times I am ever glad to see you, for I never shall forget your gallant support of me at the Battle of Copenhagen, and I thank you for taking the trouble of driving seven miles to make mẹ a visit; for, could you believe it, there are those who I thought were my firm friends, some of near thirty years' standing-who have never taken that trouble! I am ever, my dear Murray, your obliged and faithful,

NELSON AND BRONTE.

TO CAPTAIN SIR EDWARD BERRY.

[From a Copy in the Nelson Papers.]

My dear Sir Edward,

Merton, November 27th, 1802.

We feel infinitely obliged by your kind present of a brace of fine pheasants. I should have answered your kind present sooner, but I have been taken up by business in Town. My cause is now to be brought before the Court of King's Bench,3 and another year may pass away. The Judges being two and two, a new trial was necessary, or an appeal on my part to another, allowing judgment to be given against me: but I now begin to think that justice will carry it against power. Sir William and Lady Hamilton desire their kind compliments and believe me ever, yours most faithfully,

NELSON AND BRONTE.

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TO CAPTAIN PAGE, H. M. SHIP CAROLINE.

[From "The United Service Journal" for October 1839.]

My dear Sir,

Merton, December 2nd, 1802.

A young man of the name of Coleman, of the Close, at Norwich, recommended to me by Mr. Wyndham, was with me in the St. George, 90, in the Baltic, and paid off from her. He is eighteen months at sea, and I will thank you to take him; but I have nothing to do with his pecuniary concerns, and only beg leave to suggest the practice now followed, of parents lodging the money in the Captain's or Agent's hands, before the Captain advances money for them, and what he may never have repaid him. I again thank you for your kindness in taking the lad for me, and am ever your much obliged, NELSON AND BRONTE.

4

3 His lawsuit with the Earl of St. Vincent, before mentioned.

⚫ Captain Benjamin William Page, now an Admiral of the Blue.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE HENRY ADDINGTON.

My dear Sir,

[Autograph, in the Sidmouth Papers.]

Merton, December 4th, 1802.

I send you my thoughts respecting Malta, made as they flow, from my pen, but with the less diffidence, as I feel that you do not consider my thoughts (on paper) as impertinent intrusions on your time, but as the well meaning of your sincere and attached,

ON MALTA.

NELSON AND Bronte.

It must never belong to France-England does not want it. If Russia will not guarantee Malta, then a new negotiation must be set on foot, and we must hold fast until it is settled. But if Russia will guarantee Malta, then it will become a serious consideration in the new state of the Order, whether it can be carried into effect. Malta is materially changed since the Treaty of Amiens, by Spain having (in breach of that Treaty) taken away a great part of that revenue which was to support the expenses of the Order, and if one power can do it, another can do the same, and the Order of Malta, unable to maintain itself, falls of course.

N.B. It is easy to see from whose advice Spain has acted; other Countries may follow the same advice.

The Order of Malta cannot, in keeping the fortifications in repair, ships, galleys, &c., be kept up for less than the former revenue, and by the introduction of the new Langue, the pride of Spaniards will not allow them, nor even the Italians, to enter into the Order; and they brought a vast accession of flowing wealth to the Order, which now will fail.

Under these circumstances, it becomes a consideration what can be done with it to accord to the spirit of the Treaty of Amiens, that neither France or England shall possess it.

The King of the Two Sicilies is the acknowledged Lord of the Island, even the Maltese, after the destruction of the Order, in their addresses style themselves his Subjects; therefore, on the face of the act, there could be no objection to giving it to him; but the consideration is, how a weak State can keep it

out of the power of so powerful a one as France-only by guarantees that the King of the Two Sicilies shall hold Malta on the same terms as the Order, (if it is possible that it shall always be neutral,) and tied up by the guarantee that on no consideration of exchange of territory shall it be given up. The Emperor of Russia having guaranteed all the King of Naples' Dominions last year, will not probably object to do the same for Malta. It is so much the interest of the King of the Two Sicilies to keep Malta from France, (for he would lose Sicily if he gave it up) that I think him, under guarantees, the most proper person to have it. France could not object by the spirit of the Treaty of Amicns, to its being placed, (the Order not being possible to be restored,) in the King of Naples' hands under the same restrictions, and this Country would save £300,000 a year, and by as far as human faith and foresight can go, keep Malta out of the hands of France.

The King of Naples can wish for neither France or England to possess Malta. By the first, he must lose Sicily: by the latter, he may be involved in a war about Malta, should France and England go to war; and this, in my opinion, could be the only rational inducement for the King of Naples to pay the great expenses of holding Malta.

If neither of these plans can be accomplished, we have no choice but to keep Malta.

NOTE. When I was instructed by Lord Grenville to consider the Emperor of Russia as Grand Master of the Order, in my correspondence with him on the situation of Malta, I represented to him the tyranny of the Order over the Inhabitants, and presumed to recommend, in order that they should be reconciled to the return of the Order, that he would direct them to be assured that they should be eligible to be elected to any Office in the Island. He directly ordered his Minister at Naples to go to Malta, and to assure this boon to the Inhabitants; and Chevalier Italinski went and returned in one of our Ships. This, perhaps, considering the pride of the Knights, was all that could be obtained. The Spaniards already term the Maltese Langue, the Shopkeeper Langue.

TO HERCULES ROSS, ESQ.

[Autograph in the possession of Horatio Ross, Esq.]

My dear Friend,

Merton, December 16th, 1802.

Your letter is gone to Colonel Brownrigg,' with one from myself, this morning. The moment I get his answer you shall have it. I know not that I have any influence with His Royal Highness, but I will without difficulty, to show my readiness to oblige you, being truly your most obliged and faithful friend,

NELSON AND BRONTE.

TO HERCULES ROSS, ESQ.

[Autograph, in the possession of Horatio Ross, Esq.]

My dear Friend,

St. James's-square, Tuesday Morning.

I am extremely sorry, but it is absolutely out of my power to be in Harley Street this morning, as I am obliged to go in the City on business, which will admit of no excuse, for my new purchase depends on it. I can therefore only wish you, which I do from my heart, health and every blessing which the Deity can bestow, and believe me, my dear friend, ever your most affectionate and faithful,

NELSON AND BRONTE.

TO MR. JAMES FITTLER.

[Autograph, in the possession of J. Wild, Esq. On the 21st of December, 1802, Lord Nelson made the following Speech on the Bill for a Naval Inquiry into abuses. After mentioning the confidence that might be placed in the authoritative inquiry of the Commissioners, he said: "My Lords, in the absence of my noble friend who is at the head of the Admiralty, I think it my duty to say a few words to your Lordships in regard to a Bill, of which the objects have an express reference to the interests of my profession as a Seaman. It undoubtedly originates in the feeling of the Admiralty, that they have not the power

1 Lieutenant-Colonel, afterwards Sir Robert Brownrigg, Bart., G.C.B., then Military Secretary to his Royal Highness the Duke of York, Commander-in-Chief.