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the declarations of the jacobin focieties in this country, declared war against it. It had been stated, with triumph, that we now were forced to adopt that very conduct which we formerly had rejected: but was there difference between the prefent government of France and thof which existed formerly?

Ee would do the gentlemen on the other fide of the house the juftice to fay, that if they really were of opinion that we could have avoided the war, or had rejected any fair occafions of procuring peace, they had been confiftent in their conduct; for they regularly every feffion brought forward motions expreffive of these fentiments. But was France now what France was then? At one period when the motion of peace was made, the faction of Robespiere prevailed: at another, the convention had juft declared that they would make peace with Holland but not with England. It was then they avowed that treaties might and fometimes ought to be violated. This was first broached by M. Briffot, and this was the seafon chofen for the fecond motion for peace. He defired to know by which of the governing powers of France any difpofition for it had been fhown, from Barrere, Robespierre, Tallien, or the directory. During that which was called the moderate period, after the deftruction of Robespierre, many perfons entertained hopes that they would manifeft a defire for it; he never was of that opi nion, for the fame system of refentment was difplayed againft this country. When the feparate peace was made with Pruffia, the reporter ftated to the convention that they had made it separately, in obedience to their orders. If any further proof was neceffary, let us look to their laft campaign, when

it was their object to compel the emperor to a feparate peace, and with the fame view was their laft offer to that monarch. These of fers were rejected with a magnanimity that did the highest honour to the faith of our ally-of that ally whom we had been called upon to defert !

It was needless to recal to the recollection of the houfe the propofal of Mr. Wickham, or the negotiation of lord Malmesbury, of which laft he fhould only remark, that the French had never contradicted that statement; and if we were to make any application un der the prefent circumstances, the enemy might fuppofe we were driven to it from the recent occur rences at the bank.

It had been faid that the members of that houfe had loft the con fidence of their conftituents: how did that appear? was it from doing too little or too much? for minifters had been accused of both. He conceived this country to be poffeffed of abundant wealth, notwithstanding our temporary em barraffments; and we had only to act with spirit, and we should find ourselves ftrong and rich: on the other hand, if we displayed unreafonable parfimony or pufillanimity, we thould find ourselves both weak and poor, and he hoped they would not adopt fuch fhallow policy as would tend to degrade the dignity and the character of the country. It had been asked what had been gained by the war? He answered, it was defenfive war, and therefore this was not a proper queftion. But we had retained our character, achieved great conquests, and made a difcovery of eafy means of preferving internal tranquillity. We had nearly deftroyed the marine of France, and given a fevere blow to that of Spain; we had in a great

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degree ftopped thofe dangerous principles which were abroad, and fecured our honour, our liberty, and, he trufted. our conftitution. Upon thefe grounds he fhould move the order of the day.

Mr. Fox, in a speech of confiderable length, reprobated the proceedings of the minifter, who, after having had fo large a fhare in producing the prefent calamities, perfifted in defiring the confidence of the houfe in his meafures. He is ever (faid Mr. Fox) the fame character. though he comes before you in different thapes. When he is called upon by thofe who are moft willing to truft him, to take fome ftep conducive to peace, he comes forward with a promife that he will do it; nay, that he is actually doing it. Promifes you have had from him in abundance, but not one of them has been fulfilled. We are now told that a gentleman is going to Vienna, the object of whofe million was to be explained to the houfe this evening: but had it been explained? No: yet upon this mere declaration, the minifter expects you to ftop at once in the performance of your public duty. But it feems he is going on the fubject of peace, and under this general view (fuppofing his employers to be fincere) he would go with the unanimous with of the country but he had fome doubts of the fincerity, and feared it would refemble that which took place when the French arms were victorious, when the fituation of the emperor was critical, as admitted by all; defperate, as thought by many. Some perfons chofe to forget dates of these events, because, when lord Malmbury went to Paris, the French had met with fome defeats. That we were more profperous then, than we had been

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fome time before, was true; but
when the measure was taken which
led to that embaffy, we were in a
fituation moft difaftrous.

Mr. Fox faid, he would not
queftion, because he could not prove,
how far the minifter was fincere
when he adopted that meafure: but
he was inclined to think that he
was fincere in his endeavours to
Bet
make peace when it was impof-
fible to make a good one.
there was another point to be con-
fidered with refpect to that em-
baffy; it took place when a loan
was to be obtained, and he conti-
nued at Paris till it was concluded.
We are now at a period when the
French have been victorious, and
the emperor's fituation desperate,
and we are now to negotiate a loan,
and are called to confide in the
profeflions of the minifter, who
tells us,

"do not put difficulties in my way by your interference, it is a principle that the house of commons fhould confide in the executive government when they are to negotiate for peace."

As a general principle he did not diffent from this; but the question was not, whether any minifter fhould have the confidence of the house, but whether the prefent minifter under the prefent circumftances deferved it. Then came the common-place argument, that every minifler muft be interested in obtaining peace: was not lord North in the fame fituation during the laft war? Had not every minifter been in it? What then was there peculiar in the character or fituation of the prefent minifter which could lead us to fuppofe he was more fincere in his profeffions than another? Upon the occafion to which Mr. Fox faid he alluded, the prefent minifter had faid, he fhould be ready to negotiate whenever the

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enemy

enemy thould appear capable of maintaining the relations of peace and amity.—What happened then? -He prevailed upon the houfe to do the what be atks them to do now-Confide in his fincerity! The houfe did not interfere as it ought to have done with its authority, but did what it ought not to have done confided in the idea, that a negotiation would foon take place; none, however, was attempted, and after a confiderable period, when it was attempted, failed. The fubject came to be difcuffed in the houfe; and we were told, that after every means had been used to evade all mcafures which could tend to ferious negotiations, there was not a heart in England fo profligate as to with, nor a hand fo daftardly as to fign, nor could there be found a man fo degenerate as to be the courier of a commiflion fent to France, to ftipulate for peace." The courier, how ever (continued Mr. Fox), will, and maft, be found; and, he trusted, the hand feen which would fign a peace with France. We had tried our executive government enough to be confident no good could be done to our country by trying fuch means any longer. He asked, if any man in that houfe, or in this country, thought our chance of obtaining peace would be as good, by confiding in the promife of minifters, as if the houfe came to a declaration upon the fubject? Could any one believe, that with all "our advantages, and the profit we had gained by the eafy means we had difcovered of quieting the people of this country," that we should attain our object of peace more eafily, by continning to truft the minifter, than by interpofing the authority of the houfe?

Our means of quieting the people of England was, by repealing

fome of the beft provifions of the bill of rights; and were we to fay to Europe, that this war was carried on to quiet them; and that we could not pafs thefe measures but when we had a standing army, which oftenfibly was raifed againft a foreign foe, but which, in reality, was intended to enable our government to quiet the people: he acknowledged he could not congratulate the latter on" thefe eafy means of bereaving them of their privileges." It had been faid, that it was wife to facrifice a part of liberty to fave the remainder; but the part which we' had facrificed appeared to be the moft material of our conftitution. We were now to grant millions to the emperor, not to enable him to march to Paris, but to prevent (as we are told) the French from marching to London; this, he profeffed, he did not believe, but this was urged by thofe who oppofed the motion; nor did he think we were under any obligation to fhow our good faith at the commencement of the war, excepting with regard to Holland, and there our affiftance was not afked; on the contrary, we were told, that our friendship would be more dangerous than our neutrality. He wifhed a peace might be obtained conjointly with the emperor; but between two evils, he had no reluctance to declare, that a seperate peace between the emperor and France, or between Great Britain and France, would be a lefs evil to us, than the continuance of the war.

After all that could be faid of the credit of this country, it could not be diffembled, that we were lower in this respect than at any former period of hiftory. All our conquefts in St. Domingo never would bring back the millions we had fquandered, and the lives we had devoted. We entered upon this war with the idea, that all the

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ment.

powers of Europe would enter into
an alliance with us: the refult of
that policy was feen; France had
gained the alliance of Spain, the
powers of Italy and the Netherlands;
they had obtained the neutrality, at
leaft, he believed, the friendship of
the king of Pruffia: thefe are its
allies, to fay nothing of Holland.
But it seems, the French would be
encouraged if this house should in-
terfere with the executive govern-
Would they really think
lefs of our energy, if we took our
affairs into our own hands, instead
of trufting the minifter?-Would
they expect to make better terms,
through the medium of reprefenta-
tives, than with the prefent govern-
ment? He apprehended, quite the
reverse; and that, as we should ex-
pect more justice from the French
people than we did from any faction
amongst them, fo would they of
Great Britain; and he would hope
that, neither the republic would be
hoftile to England, nor the limited
monarchy of this country to the
juft claims of the republic. What
better pledge could we give of our
fincerity in defiring peace, than by
telling them, by a vote of the houfe
of commons, that we were willing
to negotiate. Let us not imagine
(faid Mr. Fox) that we can deceive
the public by our profeffions; they
are too well informed; they feel
too much to be impofed upon. Let
us not perpetually talk of our wifhes
for peace; let us ufe means for ob-
taining it (hear! hear! hear! re-
founded through the houfe). Let us
truft to minifters no longer; let us
vote for peace. He then spoke a few
words upon the motion, which de-
fired the king to explain the reafon
why negotiations had not been re-
newed; this, he obferved, was high-
ly neceffary, as thofe already af-
figned were much too equivocal.

The minifter had faid, the French had mifreprefented: perhaps they had; but an explanation, on his part, was not therefore lefs neceffary. The minister was always explicit in the houfe, no doubt, fince he convinced the majority of it; but it must be confeffed, that out of the house, no man was more unfortunate in his explanations. The French directory had misunderstood him; the contractors for the loan misunderstood him; the lord-lieutenant of Ireland, and even the directors of the bank of England, who took notes of his converfation for the exprefs purpose of accuracy, had alfo misunderftood him.

Mr. Fox concluded, with wishing, that for the future, the minifter would employ fome other person in public affairs, whofe knowledge of words was more upon a level with the reft of mankind than his own, that men of ordinary capacity might stand a chance of comprehending his meaning. He recommended it earnestly to the house, to confider the admirable, the afo nifhing, patience of the people under the calamities which the minifter had heaped upon them, and the duty which he owed to them when they boldly spoke out their wishes for peace.

Mr. Pitt declared, he had no inclination to have spoken again upon the prefent fubject; he should only offer a few reafons for voting for the order of the day. The honourable gentleman had himself stated, amidft his digreffions, that the quef. tion for the confideration of the houfe was, whether peace was likely to be accelerated, by leaving it to government to act as feemed to them beft calculated to produce that effect, or by the previous declaration of parliament on that fubject? Mr. Fox had taken fome pains to prove,

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that throughout the country there was a with for peace; alfo throughout the houfe: this was a point he might have spared himself the trouble of arguing; it was admitted to be the with of the house, and of the public; but it was not the wish of either, to procure that unconditional peace which was held out to us, or to obtain it by the furrender of our honour, our fidelity to our brave ally, and our national character. The right honourable gentleman had granted, that in ordinary times, the interference of parliament in the business of negotiation was wrong; but that now it was right, on account of the emergencies of the times. He thought this was very extraordinary doctrine; becaufe, if it were neceffary to abftain from interference in ordinary times, how much more fo must it be in a crifis fo important as the prefent. After dwelling long on the fincerity of minifters refpecting peace, he adverted to that part of Mr. Fox's fpeech which mentioned the miffion to Vienna. Mr. Fox had faid, that its object had not yet been explained; to which he replied, it furely was enough, to declare fuch a perfon was to be fent, if it appeared to those who sent him, moft likely to attain their object, and to forward a general pacification conjunctively with his majefty's allies. Mr. Pitt affirmed, that the fteps he had taken, in confequence of the feparate offers for peace by the French to the emperor, had been measures refolved upon, when he argued the queftion relative to the loan with the emperor; and whoever looked into the subject, whether with reference to peace or war, muft fee that a loan was peculiarly neceffary; and in confequence of it, we had renewed our endeavours for peace. The right honourable gen

tleman had approved of that part of the motion which called for an explanation of the terms offered to the French; but could he with that the king, without the confent of the emperor, fhould itate publicly what thofe terms were? Finally, as the nfeafure was unneceffary, if not injurious, Mr. Pitt conceived it his duty to oppose it.

Mr. Fox infifted, that the minifter had overlooked the ftrong argument, and the whole defign of the measure, which was to exprefs to all Europe the fincerity of the house in its defire to negotiate.

Sir William Pulteney said, that what the parliament and the nation fhould require, was not fo much an immediate peace, as a fecure one; and this object would be accomplished by patience under our fufferings, and perfeverance in the conteft; nor ought the ftate of our finances to deprefs our fpirits; our wealth and refources were immenfe, and our temporary embarraffments were no reafons for our defpondency. He could not fee what advantage was to be derived from a vote of parliament; it was true, that in the American war, a vote was fupposed to have contributed to its termination, but there was no comparison between that war and the prefent: that war did not threaten our internal peace and fecurity; this (he faid) ftruck at our national existence; and where could be the advantage of peace, if peace were not founded in fincerity? As long as they retained Belgium and Holland, no fecurity could there be for England. Now was the moment to ftrain every nerve in the struggle; and he was more fearful that minifters would be too forward than tootardy in bringing things to a termination. His complaint against them was, that on hearing the difafters which had befallen the imperial arms, they

had

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