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of the Englith conftitution and the monstrate that they enjoyed the political principles on which it is bleffings of a free constitution by founded." Were they unreasonable martial law? Never! The history wben they complained of not have of their country proved that, though ing the advantage of even virtual repeatedly subdued, it could not be representation - To suppose that a ktpt in awe by force. The chalarge industrious and intelligent racter of the people of the North body of men could be governed bad been severely ftigmatised as against the principles they had im- men of the old leaven. They were bibed and the prejudices by which indeed of those who rescued their they were guided, was absurd. We country from the tyranny of were now precisely at the point in Charles I. and James II. they were which we stood in 1774 with Ame- of that leaven which affected and rica; and though the distance, and defended the principles of liberty its population extending over an which fermented, when kneaded immenfe tract of country, were together, the freedom of the Britilla difadvantages peculiar to that con. constitution. If these principles test, he remembered when this were carried to excess, it was an circumstance was stared as an ad- excess to which he openly professed vantage, as it would prevent fud. himself partial; the opposition den collections of people. He re- they had suffered was some apolomembered also at ihai period the gy. The mode now adopted was expreffion of the American" war," whis; it was necessary there Mhould which he was the first person in be a certificate from the magistrates that house to use, was treated with to declare a county out of the the utmott ridicule, and to call king's peace; many of these maSome riots ar Boston by that name giftiates were Engliihmen, and of. Was regarded as absurdity. Some ficers of the fencible corps. Were might treat the idea of a war with the people to be told that these Ireland with the same contempt, men were acting only in a civil caand he fincerely ho; ed experience pacity ? Several of the principal in would not decide so triumphantly habitants of Belfast were arrested; in his favour as on the former oc. and the law was in such a state, calion. But when he saw, as in that men inight be kept in prison the present instance, a government without trial. defrons to decide by force agiinft The people of the North, attach. the will of a majority; he clearly ed to thele men, were determined {aw the danger of a civil war. Iré- they they should not suffer in their land was in that state which one property; they workei for them well acquainted with the subject for nothing; they reaped their hardefined to be despotism; " where vests, to thew their good will to the executive power was every the arrested parties, or their deceitthing, and the rights of the people ation of the conduct of governa, nothing.” Suppose we were to ment. This, however, was confucceed in difarming the whole of strued to be a heinous offence; the the north of Ireland, they must be people were dispersed by the milie kept in subjection by force. Could tary; and when some of them were we convince them by the bayonet killed, the persons who attended that their principles were falfe, their bodies to the grave were their pretensions injuft; and de acemed criminal, and this act of


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humanity regarded as an act against most sacred ties. Rigour biad been the state. What must be the effect already attempted, let conciliation of such measures? Was it not like be tried before the left appeal is ly to influence even to insurrection hazarded. Let the whote people thofe who betore had preferred mon- of Ireland enjoy the same princiarchy, and to induce the most ples, the same system, the fame loyal to question the excellence of operation of government, and all a monarchical state, on witnessing claffes an equal chance of emolu. these consequences from its abuses? ment. In other words, let the If the Irin)were subdued (Mr. Fox whole Irish government be regu. faid), it would be necellary to keep lated by Irish notions, and Irina up a large military force; or lupa prejudices; and the more the is poring they would submit, we under them, the more will the be could not trust them; fubmiffion bonnd to Englith interefts. to law's which they derefted could »Mr. Fox touched next upon the laft no longer than our force and removal of earl Fitzwilliam; he their impotency. Was it the way asked those who best kirew the to persuade the catholics to aslift country, whether the day of his de us, to resuse all their demands ? parture was not a day of forrow? An application had been made, not The catholic petition was rejected, from the peasantry but the nobi- and the present distracted state of lity, a strong and urgent applica: Ireland had been produced by the tion to the government to grant hopes of the people being disapthe remainder of their requests : pointed, and by the cup of enjoyit had been unsuccessful. For him- ment and liberty having been fud. self, he professed he knew of no way denly dashed from their lips. He of governing mankind but by con- concluded his speech by moving ciliating them;~and what could we an address to his majesty, “ that he lose by Inch methods ? If Ireland, would be pleased to take into cotby conceding to all her wishes was fideration the disturbed state of Iregoverned, would she be less useful land, and to adopt such lenient to Great Britain? What was the measures, as might appear best calnow ? Little more than a diversion culated to rettore tranquillity and for the enemy. Even if we could conciliate affection.” retain her by force, what mould Sir Francis Burdert seconded the we do in all future wars? In the motion; he described pathetically first place secure her from insurrec- the present situation of Ireland; its tion, which would be 110 easy mat- fields desolated, its prisons overflowter whilft Me confidered herself ing with the victims of oppression! aggrieved. The consequences of He lamented the contrait between a war with her were dreadful to a profligate extravagant govern contemplate; public horrors would meilt, and an enslaved inpoverishbe fo increased by the laceration ed people. One person he faid, of private feelings, as to spread whom he knew to be as incapable universal inisery through both of treason to his country, as he countries. The conne&tion was was capable of every thing great, fo interwoven between the indivi- generous and noble for the good of duals of cach, that 110 rupture his country, was now immured could happen without wounding within the walls of Dublin caftle: the most tender friendship and the a man whole private virtues e


qualled, they could not surpass, the rights to independent legiflation integrity of his pablic conduct: which we conceded to you.” and of whom it might best be said, The right honourable gentle. mil son laudandum aut dixit, aut fen- man, he faid, had taken notice of

#, at fecit. He named Mr. the demands of the catholics in the O'Connor; adding, that when such South, and of the diffenters in the men became the objects of hatred North, with a view of proving that and fear to government, it was not farther concessions would be prur difficult to ascertain the nature of dent and even absolutely neceifary the government. He: ended with: on our part. He was himself quite declaring there was but one way of another opinion: no remedy of faving Ireland-of faving Eng. could be rendered serviceable to land : and that was, by, divefing them, by a measure which would the prefeni ministerhof the power operate as an entire alteration of he had so long and fatally abuf.: the form of the parliament analed, and calling him;ta a strict ac- teration too, which, as far as it count at the tribunal of his coun- would arise from the femaining try.

si claims of the papists, and the wishes Mr. Pitt expatiated on Mr. Fox's of the prefbyterians, would be parconfiderations, in a speech tog' ticularly dangerous. The remedy long for the limits of this work to hinted 'at, though not fo high in derail. The substance of his an. point of legiflation, was one which (wers was, that the parliament of could only fall within the province Ireland was considered to be the of the parliament of Ireland-he natural source of legillative ar. meantian alteration of the laws, rangements in that country, whose which might not only affect the peculiar interests were entrusted to right to a large mafs of property, its care: nor could any inter- but the practice of the church as ference be admitted after the con. to the present established mode of cefsion of 1782, by which we had worship. This was the principle declared the parliament to be inde; by which, under the term “ lenient pendent, and placed it utterly out measures," he fuppofed Mr. Fox of our controul. Nor could we, meant to lay the foundation of the under pretence of adviGng his ma. future peace of Ireland. At the jefty, induce him to give effect to commencement of bis majesty's measures which conftitutionally reign, the catholics were prevented could only owe their effects to the from voting : they laboured under Irish legislature. He alked. Mr. many disabilities, all of which had Fox if we could say to the parlia- been removed by his majesty ; nor ment, " You are an independent le could it fairly be brought forward, gillative body; but we, the parlia- that no pledge had been given by ment of England, shall at the end the crown, to extend to that people af fourteen years nevise and exa the benefits enjoyed by the other mine, and direct how you shall: ex-" parts of the community. But it ercise your functions and after had been atierted, that it was poffi. wards feel it our duty to tell the ble to fatisfy the catholics ; if it Igith people that you are no longer were, it might be made the subject entitled to their confidence, no of advice to the executive govern longer poffeffcd of those unalienable: ment. The right honourable gen. .1!!


tleman (Mr. Fox) would fatisfy preposterous was the conduct of them indeed, by giving them the those who wasted their precious privilege of Sitting in parliament. moments in idle and pernicious But this could not be done, without words, inftead of dedicating all their reversing the whole of its present powers to purposes of preparation form, and new-modelling the con- or precaution?' It was time, he said, ftitution from the beginning to the to put an end to palliatives and selfend; and to make this change deceptions, and to place these king. when such principles were abroad doms on a footing of impervious dein the world, and were even pre. fence, whilst the delay of the French valent in the country where we still offered us the opportunity. lived, would be attended (and he General Hoche would find in appealed to the house if it would the province of Ulfter alone 50,000 not) with the most pernicious.con- Irishmen united, with pikes in their Sequences. He would not enter hands and arms concealed, bulily into the subject respecting the employed in secret discipline, in wilhes of the catholics and dissent. order to qualify themselves to reers in the North, to change the inforce the French army. This form of the Irish parliament ; as it was no: fecret, except in London. would lead to difcuffions which, These people had long since comwhether they were to be decided municated their force, their num. upon those old English principles bers, their intentions to France; which Mr. Fox admired, or on the and, unless we counteracted their new French ones of modern liber« schemes by a speedy peace with ty, might be dangerous. If, in- the common enemy, we were mudeed, they included the doctrine of tually loft. the sovereignty of the people, it I.ord. Wycombe declared it as was contrary to the duty of parlia- his opinion, that the present fituament to give the least sanction to tion of Ireland was owing to the the measure. He stated, he said, conduct of our minifters towards all his reasons, trusting that the that country. The disturbances English house of parliament would which had taken place in it, prov. not for a moment hesitate in re- ed a manifest disaffe&tion to the jecting a motion calculated to alter British government: conciliation the fundamental principles of the instead of rigour ought to have. independence of Ireland.

been tried, for it was time enough Mr. W. Smith contended that to employ force when mildness the address could not interfere with failed." He could have wished, that the independence of the parliament the Irish parliament had been left of Ireland, and as he was uncon- to themselves to settle this, but vinced by any thing which he had that he knew they had entirely loft heard, he was called upon in duty the confidence of the people, and to the public to vote for it. therefore the minister's observas

Colonel Fullarton asked whether tions on the independence of it we were or were not on the eve were thrown away. Indeed, he and in the crisis of impending in- had quite omitted to prove (for it vasion and commotion respecting was impoffible to prove) that the Ireland. If we were not-he had Irish parliament was independent nothing to say, but beg pardon the truth was known to be, that a and sit down; if we were, how majority of it was at the will of


the cabinet of England. As to

As to was this a reason to stigmatise them the fear of the religious sentiments as jacobins -a banditti without of the catholics, it was fingular laws, without principles, without such a fear fhould be entertained, order! Mr. Courtenay stated, that when every body knew that reli- many most respectable persons had gion to be on the decline ail over been arrested at Belfast, and were Europe. He more dreaded, that, now languishing in gaol without if we did not interfere, we should being brought to a trial. And lose Ireland altogether, which would why? Because government dared be more severe to us than the loss not, knowing they could not estaof Ainerica.

blish their guilt; and their acquital Lord Hawkesbury re-echoed the might disconcert the plan on which sentiments of Mr. Pitt, and was they were proceeding. coavinced, he said, by the argu Mr. Fox again rose: he thought ments so ably alleged, that its go- the discontents in Ireland might be vernment was capable of managing quieted by his majesty removing the concerns of the nation, and from places of truft many persons that there was no necesity of our now at the head of public affairs ; interference, supposing (which he men who libelled the character of knew was not the case) that it a nation, at a moment.when its could be done with propriety. zeal, patriotism, and courage were

Mr. Curwen said, it was not the most eminently displayed; men in motion of his right honourable short, whose administration might friend, but the observations of the be considered as the fource of those chancellor of the exchequer, which calamities with which the country were really mischievous.

was afflicted. The chancellor of far from wise in him to fix a the exechequer had affirmed, that charge of jacobinism upon any bo- the principles contended for redy of his majesty's subjects. So specting liberty, were not English far, indeed, was the present motion but French; if they were also Irish, from being mischievous, that even they were worthy the attention of the discusion would do good, inaf-government. But even allowing much as it would thew the Irish na. them to be French (and he certion, that there was a part at least tainly would not recommend such of the British parliament who were in this country), still it was better mindful of their interests.

to overcome them by conciliation Mr. Courtenay adverted to co- than to go to war with them. Was lonel Pullarton's account of there the house prepared to begin anobeing 50,000 men in the province ther four years' war, to squander of Uifter, with arms in their hands, millions of treasure, and to shed ready to receive the French; he be- rivers of blood? If it was, he bade lieved that there were ; but not to them go on with their noble entersupport them-on the contrary, prise; he would, however, warn they were prepared to resist an in- them, that, by literally fighting avasion, if ever it should be attempt gainst French principles in Ireland, ed. The people in that province they might in the end be introhad a strong spirit of liberty, and duced into Great Britain itself. were attached to the popular, or Unfortunately he had been a long what had been called the republican, time deprecating coercive measures. branch of the conftitution. But He had deprecated the adoption of


It was

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