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ple should undergo so complete an alteration. That severity of manners, which is a general characteristic of sectaries, and which is inseparable from a state of adversity and oppression, still attached to the presbyterian party after the attainment of power, and the independents and other sectaries who were the immediate fupporters of Cromwell, affected, if poffible, ftill greater austerity. Men in office affumed a grave and even fanctified appearance; their favourite study (if they ftudied at all) was theology; and their literature was the facred writings, and the more enthusialtic description of commentators on the Bible. The imitative passion, which is strongly predominant in the inferior clasies of society, introduced a sobriety of demeanour even among the lowest of the vulgar ; and their taste, as far as they aspired to intellectual improvement, was congenial to that of their superiors. The royalists were effentially different in almost every respect. Opposition in interests commonly produces opposition in habits and conduct, since men will feldom adopt the manners of those by whom they are perfecuted. Charles too, and most of his near connections, had spent their latter years in the contaminated atmosphere of the French court; a country where vice and immorality seemed congenial to the national character, or, to speak more correctly, perhaps, to the character of its despotic government.--- In such a school, where every species of moral depravity that can easily be imagined was taught and practised, this worthless monarch was found an apt scholar. He is characterised by Burnett as “ one who had great vices, but scarcely any virtues to correct them ;” and the character, though severe, is but too well justified by his conduct. He was deltitute of every feeling of humanity, of every principle of honour; and was only restrained from the most wicked excesses of tyranny by his sloth, his debauchery, and cowardice. Charles, it is well known, was an infidel with respect to all religion, natural and revealed; and such a profession only could suit the profligate life in which he was engaged. Few, however, have the courage to die in the hopeless state in which unbelief involves them; and, at his latter moments, he caught eagerly at that delusive fupport which popery ex
tends to the despairing finner. His example, however, rendered infidelity and even atheism popular. The billiop of Salifbury says. “ that, when he saw young men of quality who had something more than ordinary in them, he drew them about him, and set himself to corrupt them both in religion and morality; in which he proved so unhappily successful, that he left England much changed at his death from what he found it at his restoration."
That contemptible fabulist, Hume, who loses no oppor, tunity of applauding vice, profigacy, and irreligion, wherever they occur, makes it a question whether the nation were much losers in point of morals in the main by the Restoration, though he allows. “ that licentiousness and debauchery became prevalent in the nation. The pleasures of the table were much pursued. Love was created more as an appetite than a passion. The one sex began to abate of the national character of chastity without being able to inspire the other with lentiment or delicacy.” - Admire, Christian reader, the pure ethics of an unbeliever! The detestable and profligace Charles is represented by the same author as one whose conduct " in the duties of private life, though not free from exception, was in the main laudable !”
Under such a monarch science and found literature could scarcely be expected to flourish, and of all departments theology was most likely to be left in a neglected flate. Under the temperate and judicious guidance of Clarendon, however, the first years of Charles palied with some credit to himself, and fome advantage to the nation. Clarendon, with some fauits, which were rather those of temper than of principle, was a sound statesman and an excellent man.
He was zealoudly attached to the ancient form of government, and the conftitutional liberties of his country. " He refolved,” says Burnett, “ not to stretch the prerogative beyond what it was before the wars, and would neither fet aside the Petition of Right, nor endeavour to raise the courts of the star chamber or the high commission again.” A domestic incident related
by the same historian of this great man, is worthy of attenti: on, since it is one of those little accidental occurrences which often serve to determine che conduct and character of a man during the whole of his life. It was told by Clarendon himself to lady Ranelagh, and by her to the author from whom it is extracted. When he had attained some reputation in the exercise of his profession, he went down to Wiltshire to visit his ancient father, who, in one of their rural excursions, remarked, “ that men of his profession were too much inclined to stretch law and prerogative to the prejudice of the liberty of the subject, to recommend and advance themselves.” -He charged him therefore, if ever he arrived at eminence in his profesion, never to facrifice the liberties of his country to the will of a prince, or to his own interests. He repeated this twice, and immediately fell down in an apoplectic fit, and expired in a few hours.
The moderation of Clarendon's principles extended to most of the departments of adminiftration. At a time when the parliament, in the first paroxysm of loyalty, was disposed to grant almost every request, this wife and upright minister asked only 1,200,000l. per ann. for the whole ordinary expenses of government
a sum which, at the present period, seems almost incredible for its moderation; and, though he might have obtained two millions, as Burnett remarks, the chancellor “ had no mind to carry it farther, or to trust him (the king) too much.”
In these measures Clarendon was supported by the virtuous Southampton ; and it is impoffible to cite an instance more illustrative of their love of liberty and their country, than their aversion to war, and their dereitation of standing armies. After the disbanding of Monk's army a plan was in agitation to raise a certain force to be so choten and modelled that the king might depend upon it in every emergency.-To this plan Southampton strongly objected-He faid, '“ they had felt the effects of a military government, though sober and religious, in Cromwell's army: he believed vicious and dis
folute troops would be much worse; the king would grow fond of them, and they would become insolent and ungovernable.” He added, that “ he would not look on and see the ruin of his country begrin, and be silent; a white staff should not bribe him.” Clarendon acceded co the fenti. ments cf Southampton, and the scheme was abandoned.
The law as well as the church was chiefly modelled on the restoration by the earl of Clarendon's influence. Burnett allows, that “ he put the justice of the nation in very good hands." He feated on the bench some of those who had officiated as judges under the commonwealth, particularly the eftimable and learned Sir Matthew Hale. The clerical appoincments also were bestowed with decency at least. Juxton, as the oldest prelate, and the friend of the unfortunate Charles, was advanced to the fee of Canterbury, though from his learning and talents he was little entitled to fo eminent a station. Sheldon, a man of some learning, and dextrous in bufiness, was first made bishop of London, and, on the death of Juxton, was advanced to the primacy. Morley, the friend of the amiable and gallant Faukland, was made bishop of Worcester. Some advances were even made to the most eminent of the presbyterian clergy. Bishoprics were offered to Calamy, Baxter, and Reynolds. The two former refused till the scheme of comprehension projected by Clarendon could be adopted, and an union of parties effeeted by adjusting the disputed points ; but they were both, in the mean time, appointed chaplains to the king; and Reynolds, who was less fcrupulous, accepted of the fee of Norwich. The fchenre of comprehension above alluded to was much promoted by Southampton, and when Clarendon gave way to the influence of the bishops and the high church party, who Itrongly opposed it, he was much disguited. The king, at Clarendon's inftance, published a declaracion soon after the restoration, which, in the opinion of the most judicious persons, would have quieted most of the religious animosicies, had it fortunately been adhered to; and, soon after, a commision was granted for a conference at the Savoy, to which givelve
of each party were nominated, with nine amistants, to confider of the union between the church and the prefbyterians. The latter party proposed archbishop Usher's reduction as the groundwork of the conference. They then produced a series of objections to the church liturgy. They desired that no lessons should be taken out of the apocryphal books; and that the psalms used in the daily prayers should be according to the new translation. To the office of baptism they particularly excepted; and to the posture of kneeling at the lord's supper. In conclusion, they produced a new form of
prayer drawn up by the celebraced Baxter, who was the principal manager for the non-conformist party. To Baxter was opposed a clergyman of the name of Gunning, who was afterwards successively made. bishop of Chichester and of Ely. Of these men the bishop of Salisbury remarks, that they es were the most unfit to heal matters, and the fittest to widen them that could have been found out.” They were both men of character and of learning, both subtle metaphysicians, and too fond of speculation. Many days were spent in the logical contentions of these acute disputants; and the conference at the Savoy was made a matter of amusement to the town, and not of edification to the church. As therefore the commission was limited to a certain number of days, the whole time elapsed without coming to a single conclusion ; ard, instead of any good, much evil was produced by the asperity of language, and the violence of the disputants. The episcopal party, as soon as the conference was diffolved, laboured to render the terms of conformity still more severe. The act of uniformity was passed, and the dissidents were in the end ejected from their benefices.
Previous to the passing of the act of uniformity, however, some alterations were made in the liturgy by the bishops themselves. The prayer “ for all forts and conditions of men,” and “ the general thanksgiving,” were both added compositions which have never been excelled, and but seldom equalled. The piety, the spirit, the happy adaptation of language conspicuous in thete prayers, mult ever render them