Imágenes de páginas
PDF
EPUB

which would prove particularly prejudicial to Ireland, would it be incompatible for the Irish nobles to entreat his majefty to interpofe to prevent its taking effect?

The time was now paft for their lord fhips to be amufed with unprofitable difputations; fubftantial vigour and energy, of conduct were now required: the univerfal fenti. ment prevailing was, that the exertion of every honeft man was neceflary to fave the ftate from the calamities in which it was plunged, If their lordships refufed to contribute their part, they would forfeit their credit with the public; they would entail upon the houfe reproach equally difhonourable to themselves and pernicious to the country. In advifing his majetty to the effect propofed, they would not only exercife one of their most important privileges, but fulfil one of their most important duties. They were the hereditary counfel. lors of the throne, and no occafion could occur which called more ftrongly for the exercife of the right. If it appeared that the counfellors more immediately about his majefty's perfon-his minifters-had not given that advice which was calculated to infure the happiness and profperity of Ireland, it was the duty of their lordhips to approach the throne with advice more wife and falutary. To act in this manner, was to evince the ftrongest proof of attachment to the fovereign, and was the beft pledge of their intereft in the public welfare. But it might be faid, what influence could fuch an addrefs carry with it to change the councils by which Ireland was go. verned? To prove the influence of the British cabinet, he need only appeal to a fact which had occurred not long ago. He meant the recall of the earl Fitzwiliam, at

a time when all Ireland was in favour of the measures he pursued,— when that country gave the fairest profpect of tranquillity-and the fureft pledge of affiflance and fupport to Britain, in the arduous circumftances in which he was placed. To the impolicy of that measure, the distracted state of Ireland was now to be imputed. If the British cabinet could interfere so fuccefsfully for what he deemed an impolitic and mifchievous purpose, could they not for the falutary end of recommending wifdom and producing good? He was convinced, that the general fentiment of Ireland was that of cordial attachment to this country, and that it was the determination of the majority to ftand or fall with it. But amidst the prefent diftractions, the jealoufies which now prevailed, and the fyftem which now fubfifted, it fhould be recollected, that incalculable advantages were given to infiduous and difaffected fpirits to reprefent the bad effects refulting from their connection with England. He trusted, that the army, on which he relied for the defence of Ireland, would remain ever faithful to his majefty; but was it not unwife to rely entirely on this refource? Would it not be impolitic to trust to it, before they had done every thing to obtain a better fecurity? Circumstances might be conceived in which this fupport might be overthrown. A fimilar reliance in another country had plunged it into the utmoft mifery. But it migh be asked, what was the plan he wished to purfue? This, he faid, was indicated in the motion itfelf. When they addreffed his majefty to interpofe his paternal care, the known goodness of his nature left no room to doubt the refult:-it was by temper, equity, and good faith, that the distractions

of

192

of Ireland were to be appeafed, and the affections of the people conciliated; no good could be expected by a profecution of the prefent meafures: the adoption of any calculated to imprefs the people with confidence in the government, would quickly call out that fond affection from the inhabitants of Ireland to this country, which circumftances might cloud, but could not extinguish; infpire that zeal fo needful in the prefent moment, and furnish thofe refources requifite for the critical fituation in which we were engaged.

Lord Grenville rofe. He hoped he fhould prove fatisfactorily, that the prefent motion could not be adopted, but by breaking the folemn contract which had been entered into between the two countries without tearing afunder every bond of union, and fpreading diftraction and divifion between the members of the British empire. He should, therefore, give his moft decided oppofition to the prefent motion, and to every propofition of a fimilar tendency.It was stated, that diffenfions and difcontents prevailed in Ireland, and it was truly faid that the benevolence of his majefty's difpofition must be anxious to remove them. In the propofed addrefs, however, the cause of these diffenfions was not stated; fuch an addrefs was wholly unneceflary. In the beginning of the prefent reign the people of Ireland had been difunited, but to a much greater degree than at prefent, and to a greatHe would defire any one to compare the ftate as it was left by his majefty's ancestors, with its fituation now; he would bid them look at the catholics admitted to the exercife of their political rights to the enjoyment of their property-and to the participation

er extent.

of every civil and focial bleffing:
freely permitted to engage in every
fpecies of commerce, and apply
themselves to every profeffion of
honour; fharing the rights of vot-
ing for members of parliament, and
manifefting in their whole condu&
the effects of benefits received, in
the best manner in which benefits
could operate upon the human
mind. He defired their lord hips
to confider their conduct upon the
late occafion, when the French em-
barked in the hope of fucceeding
in their defign by the difaffection of
the inhabitants. For a proof of
the loyalty of the catholics, he
could refer to the teftimony of the
reverend prelates who worthily de-
meaned themselves as guides in re-
ligious matters.

[He then read
fome paffages of the circular letter
from the catholic bishop of Cork].
Thus it appeared, his majefty's ex-
ertions had already been crowned
That this fuccefs
with fuccefs.
was not complete, was a fubject of
regret: jealoufies had appeared in
fome degree, but they had been
conciliated by the benevolence and
paternal care of our king, and what
ftronger pledge could be given of
his intention to perfevere in the
fame course?

If the motion was meant to remedy the difcontents which prevail, it was unneceffary: but it was more; it was highly dangerous and fraught with mifchief; it was defigned to apply to the internal state of Ireland, and to the frame of its independent legiflature.

About fourteen years ago, when difcontents were reprefented to exift on account of the right not much exercifed, but broadly afferted in the ftatute-book of the legiflature of this country, to make laws to bind Ireland, his majefty advised parliament to difclaim that right, and repeal the obnoxious ftatute;

this

This accordingly was done, and the act 6 of George I, was repealed. A paramount jurifdiction had existed in their lordships, and appeals were brought before them in their laft refort. Upon this occafion, their lordships very properly paffed an act renouncing in future all fuch right, and enacting that parliament fhould be reftrained from entertaining any bill which pretended to bind the inhabitants of Ireland. Now it seemed they were called upon to interfere in a point moft exclufively relating to its internal ftate: fuch an interference was obviously improper: it was alfo impoffible for them to proceed with fufficient information, which lay much better within the reach of their own legiflature. As to the general propofition, therefore, he hoped they would be aware of the danger of adopting it: with regard to the happiness of Ireland, it was an object to which no one could be indifferent. But the whole fubject was out of its place; inftead of remedying difcontents, it would inflame them, and induce the Irish to imagine their own legislature was careless of their welfare. As they had given to their country a free conftitution, the best way to fix their attachment to it, was to engage their confidence in its fa

vour.

Earl Fitzwilliam faid, he never could concur with the noble secretary, that this country ought not to give any opinion upon the public fituation of Ireland. Such inteference for the purpofe of averting evils from both was proper, and the right was clear. What had been faid concerning the improved ftate of the Irish was certainly true: but whatever circumstances might have contributed to that profperity, there still remained fomething far

1797.

ther to be done. A certain elafs of the people had long been held in degradation: and was it not the duty of the house to call upon those who had the authority to remove the grievances which yet remained? The people of Ireland, were, alas! reported to be tranquil and happy. Was it a proof of this, that acts of indemnity had been paffed in the Irish parliament, for proceedings "beyond the law," which muft have been called for by a conduct not very confiftent with tranquillity? If no circumftances of diforder appeared, why were whole parithes, baronies, and even counties declared to be out of the king's peace? It was likewife ftated, that they were difarming the people in certain diftricts, from which it was evident they had been in arms. Was this tranquillity? was this a state of things by which this country was in no danger of being affected? Connected with each other by the ties of individual friendship, and by a common public intereft; was it beyond the proper fphere of confideration in that houfe, to addrefs his majefty to employ his paternal care to quiet the minds of the people, and to restore the inhabitants of Ireland to happinefs? This was a period of awful portent; dangers and forms impended, and it was their duty to allay every difcontent to which wisdom could extend-and to fortify the the country by every refource which policy could fecure.

The earl of Liverpool gave it as his opinion, that the motion was improper, whether intended to induce them in their legislative capacity to interfere in the affairs of Ireland, or to advife his majesty to exercife his executive authority in a particular way over that branch of the empire. Granting even, for the

N

fake

fake of argument that all the evils complained of really exifted, ftill he would contend, they ought to be remedied by the Irish parliament, not by the British legislature, whofe interference was calculated to aggravate not remove difcontents. The motion was as mifchievous in its tendency as it was unconstitutional in its principle; and the first magiftrate in that country had in one of his fpeeches alluded to the bad confequences refulting from motions of the fame kind.

The earl of Moira, after granting that the legislature was independent, maintained, that the British legislature had a right to interfere where the common intereft was concerned. The noble fecretary had entered into a long detail of the advantages enjoyed under the prefent reign, which he juftly ftated to be numerous and great: but was he not informed that the catholics of Ireland infifted upon their right of being elected members of the legiflature, upon the ground that, if they had fome of their body in parliament, the perfecutions which had exifted would not have taken place? Perhaps it would be faid that he was fpeaking of perfecutions as vaguely as he had done of difcontents, and that the one had as little foundation as the other. He knew, however, of ninety-one houfeholders who had been banished from one of his own eftates, after being plundered of their property, and many of them wounded in their perfons. The difcontents were not confined to one feet only, they were common to the proteftants as well as the catholics. Did the lords who argued against his motion recollect, that district after district, parish after parif, at the laft whole coun,

ties, had been put out of the peace of the king? Did they recollect, that in the county of Down the whole of the inhabitants had been declared out of this peace; that a general difarming even of the proteftant fubjects had taken place; that military parties had been fent in the night to various parts of that county to effect thefe purpofes; that thefe military men were empowered to act with a vigour beyond the law, and were told that they were not to wait for the aid of magiftrates, but to ufe force for their purpose, if force was found neceffary? Lord Moira allowed that the fecretary had a ftrong reafon as an individual to object to the motion, as it went to convey a cenfure on the king's fervants :-but at this awful conjuncture were their lordships met to compliment? No, And he trufted that the house would overlook all private confiderations, and adopt measures moft conducive to the fafety of the empire. This would be beft effected by giving the people of Ireland confidence in their fovereign, and infpiring that activity to the tender and paternal difpofition of his majefty, which had been only and unfortunately fufpended by the advice of his mi nifters.

The earl of Guildford faid, that the argument of the fecretary went not to protect the independence of the Irish parliament, fo much as to fecure minifters from refponfibility. Neither the British cabinet, nor an Irish lord-lieutenant were refponfible to the Irish parliament; and if they were exempted alfo from the controul of the British parliament, to whom were they refponfible? He could not admit that minifters had flown any attention to the interests of Ireland fince lord

Fitzwil

Fitzwilliam was recalled, whofe adminiftration gave fuch univerfal fatisfaction. If the advice therefore was not neceffary to the king, of whofe concern for the people he entertained no doubt, it was highly requifite to his minifters. He concluded, therefore, with giving his hearty affent to the motion.

The marquis of Lansdowne obferved, that the lord lieutenant of Ireland, as a minister, was account able to the British as well as the Irish parliament, and therefore they had a right to watch over the measures of his administration, and to cenfure or advise him as they might deem proper. An elaborate difplay had been made of the advantages which Ireland had enjoyed under the prefent reign; but had not these immunities been fully juftified by their confequences-and that too, after they had been refused by their own legiflature? It was in every body's recollection that, upon a petition prefented to the Irish parliament by a numerous and refpectable body of that kingdom, the prayer of it was rejected with fomething little fhort of indignation; but when deputies were fent over to this country, they were graciously received, and their miffion was attended with its defired effect. He did not profefs to have fuch accurate information as fome of their lordfhips, but he had heard that the catholics had formerly been perfecuted by the proteftants in a horrid manner; that the former had been driven by a small number in the North, but were now returning; and that the proteftants were rebuilding thofe houfes that had been deffroyed, and a union was forming between them which might be productive of the moft fatal effects. There were two defcrip.

tions of men in Ireland: the first were well known for their daring fpirit; there were not wanting perfons among them celebrated in arms, in arts, and in literature; they were men over whom courts could never have any influence, and who were to be led, not driven; fuch were the men in the North. Thofe in the South were cha racterised by unruly paffions, which were always the prominent features of men unemployed. What the event might be, it was impoffible to fay- he warned them however, that it might be fuch as to fhake the empire to its centre. The motion now in queftion was couched in terms fo wife, fo prudent, and fo moderate, that he could fcarcely have fuppofed it would have met an objection. What was its purport? It faid to his majesty, Sire, you have by a happy conduct attached the people of Ireland to your family and government; there. is but one fmall caufe of difcontent remaining, and it is only ne-, ceffary that you follow up thofe wife and falutary measures which' you have hitherto employed, to remove that alfo.

If the grievances of the catholics had been redreffed last year, the' houfe would not have heard of re form. Next year perhaps other points might be urged, and the breach would grow wider. Mr. Erfkine had wifely faid in his pam phlet, "Give the people of Ireland their rights, and you will nei-" ther require fleets or armies to protect them. Three millions of loyal people would defy the power of France;" and he begged it might be remembered, that, if they were were united, they might dely the frength of other countries too! The example of Genoa was before them.

The marquis of Townfend N 2 thought

« AnteriorContinuar »