exports and imports. But it requires no great extent of commercial knowledge to fhew, that the conclufions drawn from fuch data may be effentially erroneous. This obfervation is particularly applicable to a country engaged in a widely-extended war, and to the state of its general trade. The remedies which Mr. Brand would apply to counteract the causes of the depreffion of the funds, and to revive national credit are, an adulteration of the coin, or an increase of its nominal value; a taxation of exports, and an equalization of the land tax. The two former, we are convinced, inftead of removing or palliating, would increase the disease: the latter would moft probably be followed by beneficial effects.

Mr. Fry's "new fyftem of Finance, &c." contains a curious mixture of interefting information, whimsical calculations, and humourous remarks, from which the reader may derive both profit and entertainment. The author's objects are, to fhew the defects of the prefent fyftem; that a faving may take place in the public income and expenditure to the amount of ten millions annually; the confequences to the public of their connexion with the bank of England; the baneful effects of stock-jobbing; the astonishing loffes fuftained by the public, that have enabled the minifter to -carry on the deception of letfening the public debt; the unparalleled advantages given by the minifter to loan-mongers for, paper credit, in order to fupport the prefent ruin-ous war, &c. &c. The comparison which he exhibits between the prefent weight of our public burthens, and their preffure at the acceffion of the best of kings," will not be viewed without pain and indignation by every true lover of his Country.

Sir Francis Baring's "Obfervations on the Establishment of the Bank, and on the Paper Circulation of the Country, &c." are defective in that method and arrangement which we naturally expect to find in the production of a man of confiderable eminence and long practice in commercial concerns. They fupply the reader, however, with many important obfervations and remarks, which tend to throw light on the causes of the pecuniary embarraffments under which we have lately fuffered, and to expofe the impolicy of the financial meafures adopted by the British minifter. But in the author's ideas of the bank of England, as a neceffary centre on which the circulation of the country must turn, and in his wifhes that bank notes fhould in all cafes be made a legal tender, we are very far from coinciding. Convenient and useful as that establishment certainly is, to the trading world, and to the community at large, the profperity of this country is founded on a firmer bafis than its credit, or even exiftence; otherwife, melancholy and defponding would be our reflections.

In our Regifter for the year 1795, we had the opportunity of introducing Dr. Tatham to our readers, in the character of a panegyrift on the national debt, and the extenfion of that funding fyftem which the favourite plans of our prefent chancellor of the exchequer have called much more frequently into exercise, than the lefs bold and daring politics of his predeceffors in office. During the prefent year the Doctor has addreffed to that minifter "a Letter on a national Bank," advifing him of the most fapient plan which he has been enabled to difcover, to fupply that currency in the body politic which is "to keep in mo tion the wheel of circulation, which keeps in motion the wheel of comP 3 merce,

Jeremiah Fitzpatrick, knt. M. D." appear to have flowed from a wellintentioned mind, but not fufficiently enlarged, properly to difcriminate between the interefts of humanity and policy. To this we are to attribute the incongruities which his work discovers. For while he lays it down as a first principle " that no man, or body of men, whatever, have a right to enflave or punish perfons not fubject to their laws, and more particularly those who never gave them offence," and is an advocate for the gradual abolition of colonial flavery, he seems to admit of the neceflity of continuing that murderous traffic in human flesh, which threatens to bring down on our country the fevere judgments of heaven. Hence, a confiderable part of his treatife is employed in pointing out regulations refpecting the purchase of flaves in Africa, and the mode of importing them into the Weft Indies. We must entertain very different ideas than we can do at prefent of the trade itself, before we can coolly appreciate the merits of the different plans for conducting it. What the author has advanced on the fubject of the gradual liberation of the flaves in the islands, is more worthy of attention; but to be perfectly acceptable to the true philanthropist, muft be feparated from the leaft connexion with the importation scheme. The ftyle and language of this work are uncommonly intricate, and frequently incorrect.

"The State of the Poor, &c. by Sir Frederick Morton Eden, bart." in 3 volumes, 4to. is a very important and interefting work, with the perusal of which we have been highly gratified. "The difficulties which the labouring claffes experienced, from the high price of grain, and of provifions in general,'

as well as of clothing and fuel, during the years 1794 and 1795, induced the author, both from benevolence and perfonal curiosity, to inveftigate their condition in various parts of the kingdom." With this view he vifited feveral parishes himfelf, and employed an intelligent perfon, in whom he could put per fect confidence, in travelling more than a year from place to place to collect information. He was, likewife, fupplied with valuable communications by different clergymen, and other gentlemen. In the volumes before us we have the refult of his enquiries, and of the communications tranfmitted to him, together with many curious inveftigations, and judicious fuggeftions and remarks, for which the political economist is greatly indebted to the author. Sir Frederick's object is "not fo much to draw conclufions, either from facts or arguments, as, by putting the public in poffeffion of fuch facts as were attainable by one individual, to enable them to draw their own conclufions." The first volume is divided into two books, each confifting of three chapters, in which the author treats of the hiftory of the poor from the conqueft to the reformation; of their hiftory from the reformation to the revolution, with an analysis of the different publications on the fubject of the poor, and which had for their object plans and regulations for their better fupport; of their hiftory from the revolution to the prefent period; of national establifhments for the maintenance of the poor, the English poor laws, and Mr. Pitt's bill; of the diet, dress, fuel, and habitation of the labouring claffes; and of the rife, progrefs, and prefent ftate of friendly focieties, or benefit clubs. The fecond and third volumes contain

an hundred and eighty-one parochial reports, together with an appendix, compofed of twenty-one different articles, many of which are of diftinguished importance, and a copious index. In this vaft collection of matter, the antiquarian, the hif torian, and the philanthropift will meet with much that will gratify curiofity, and fupply topics for interefting and useful fpeculation. We do not, however, uniformly concur with fir Frederick in the opinions and obfervations which he has advanced, and the conclufions which he has drawn from his enquiries. "That for centuries the condition of the labouring clafs has been in a gradual frate of improvement," we conceive to be abundantly refuted by his own hiftory, and the tables which he has collected: and we think that his eftimate of the population of the country, in oppofition to that of Dr. Price, before it be admitted, requires ftronger fupport than the statement of George King and the affertions and hypothetical reafonings of Mr. Chalmers. But notwithstanding our occafional diffent from the author, we are fully fenfible of the great general merits of his labours, and hope that he will perfevere in inquiries, by which the interefts of his country and of humanity may be effentially benefited. With refpect to the compofition of his work, it is, in general," plain, fimple, and perfpicubus."

Mr. Ingram's "Enquiry into the prefent Condition of the lower Claffes, and the Means of improving it, &c" is the production of an enlightened and benevolent mind, and offers much useful information and important hints on the different topics which fall under difcuffion. It is divided into four fections, containing an examination of the condition of the labouring claffes, with

remarks on the present state of the nation, and the pofture of affairs; means for extending the national trade, and thereby increafing the quantity of employment for the poor; reflections on the impolicy of the prefent corn laws, and expedients for reducing the price of provifion; and motives proper to excite in the common people a defire of accumulation. The unequal diftribution of wealth he juftly confiders to be one of the leading caufes of that diminution of the recompence of labour, to which the diftreffes of the lower claffes are in a great meafure to be afcribed; and among the expedients which he recommends to counteract that evil, without affecting internal peace and tranquillity are, the reduction of the rate of intereft, an increase of taxes on articles of luxury, and an equal land tax, varying only with the rent, or the real value of land. To excite in the common people a defire of accumulation, he propofes fuch an alteration in the laws of inheritance as may lead to the more equal divifion of landed eftates; the inftitution of focieties for fecuring and improving the favings of the poor; and fuch a gradual change of the poor laws as would deftroy the temptations to idleness which are fanctioned by the prefent fyftem. What Mr. Ingram has advanced on the foregoing, and other important fubjects, is deferving of refpectful attention.

The fenfible author of " Outlines of an Attempt to establish a Plan for a juft and regular Equivalent for the Labour and Support of the Poor, &c." contributes his endeavours to meliorate the condition of that numerous clafs, by offering two propofitions for the confideration of the legiflature. The firft is founded on the doctrine that all the neceffaries of life bear an accurate proportion to the price of grain; and recommends,

commends, after it has been afcertained how much wheat, or other grain is neceffary for the fupport of a labourer's family, the pafling of a law to empower him to demand his wages either in grain or in money. The fubject of this propofition is by no means new, and is attended with difficulties which have employed the fpeculations, and puzzled the understandings of our ableft political economists. We fhall leave it to their reiterated investigations to decide on its feasibility, and on its policy. The other propofal of the author is, that the weights of the kingdom fhould be reconciled to one ftandard, by connecting them with the copper coinage: a measure that would at the fame time prevent the labourer from fuftaining the loffes occafioned by the circulation of counterfeit copper, and enable him by legal weights to detect the impofitions of dishonest tradesmen. We can perceive no ferious objection to the latter plan.

Mr. Wood, in his "Letter to Sir William Pulteney, bart. containing fome Obfervations on the Bill for the better Support and Maintenance of the Poor, prefented to the House of Commons by the right honourable William Pitt," proves, in the moft convincing manner, that the regulations propofed by the premier would not only fail of remedying the mischiefs univerfally acknowledged to exift under the present intricate fyftem, but afford fcope for the exercise of frauds and abuses of the moft pernicious tendency. He fhews, likewife, that the burthen which Mr. Pitt's bill would entail upon the public, inftead of being a defireable commutation for the prefent poor rates, would be unfpeak ably more oppreffive and intolerable. If the minifter be ferious in his intention to introduce a new fyftem of poor laws, and fhall deign

to confult the remarks of this temperate and able writer, we think that he will materially change his ground, before he again calls the attention of parliament to this important and neceffary fubject of difcuffion.

Mr. Belfham's "Remarks" on Mr. Pitt's bill tend, likewife, forcibly to point out the injurious confequences which would follow the enactment of fome of its clauses, and to fhew that the whole, " instead of fimplifying a fyftem already too complex, makes, by engrafting a heap of new upon the exifting flock of old provifions, the entire aggregate or code of poor laws infinitely more operofe, confufed, and intricate than before." To these remarks the well-informed author has added a fhort fketch of a plan, which is plain, eafy, and intelligible, and adapted to afford far more effectual relief to the poor than the regulations of the minifter, and at far lefs expence to the public. The principal features of that plan are, the abolition of the law of fettlements; the establishment of parochial funds; the total exemption of the labouring poor from the burthen of parochial taxes, or poor rates; the investment of the magiftrates of each county, in certain circumftances, and under proper limitations, with a power to fix the minimum, as in many cafes they are now authorised to fix the maximum of the price or value of labour; the appointment of premiums for the encouragement of induftry, &c. and the erection of cottages, with gardens, &c. to be let at very low rents, by way of encouragement to the most meritorious among the poor; and the relief of perfons in diftrefs, notwithstanding they may be poffeffed of a little property, real or perfonal. Such regulations, were they adopted, would